Indonesia’s Contribution to Peaceful Change in International Affairs

Author(s):  
Dewi Fortuna Anwar

Transforming its foreign policy from confrontation to cooperation with its closest neighbors in 1967, and in 1998 carrying out a peaceful transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, Indonesia has made significant contributions to peaceful change in Southeast Asia. The regime change, from Sukarno’s “Guided Democracy,” which had carried out Konfrontasi or confrontation against Malaysia, to the military-dominated “New Order” government under Suharto, was far from peaceful, marked by one of the worst massacres in Indonesia’s history. Nevertheless, the New Order government imposed order and stability and greatly improved the socioeconomic welfare of the Indonesian people, transforming the country from a fragile state to one of the economic miracles in Asia, until the onset of the Asian financial crisis in 1997. Suharto’s focus on internal stability and economic development led to Indonesia becoming a founder and leader of Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional cooperation. Both Indonesia’s internal stability and its commitment to ASEAN as the cornerstone of its foreign policy have helped transform Southeast Asia from a highly divided and unstable region to one that is becoming a security community. The collapse of the New Order government amid the Asian financial crisis has ushered in a new era of democracy in Indonesia, with a commitment to resolving internal conflicts through peaceful means as well as a continuing determination to maintain a peaceful regional order. This chapter looks at the nexus between Indonesian domestic politics and foreign policy and its contributions to peaceful change.

Author(s):  
Jürgen Rüland

This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the “cognitive prior.” It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered by the Asian Financial Crisis (1997–1998), which discredited the ASEAN Way as ASEAN’s established repository of cooperation norms. The chapter shows how the worldviews of Indonesian foreign policy elites have been shaped by adverse historical experiences, which have evoked on the one hand strong sentiments of insecurity and vulnerability, on the other, a strong sense of entitlement to regional leadership. At the regional level, the cognitive prior is strongly influenced by Westphalian sovereignty norms. In the aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis the ASEAN Way was challenged by external and domestic critics, climaxing with the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter ends with an analysis of the institutional changes the Charter inaugurated and the ideas and norms it seemingly appropriated from the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-79
Author(s):  
Antje Missbach ◽  
Gerhard Hoffstaedter

The growing literature on transit countries places much emphasis on the policy interventions of destination countries. In the case of Southeast Asia, Australian policies have disproportionate effects across borders into the region, including those of Indonesia and Malaysia. However, so-called transit countries also counterweigh foreign policy incursions with domestic politics, their own policies of externalizing their borders, and negotiations with destination countries to fund their domestic capacity. While Malaysia and Indonesia share many characteristics as transit countries, they are also noteworthy cases of how they negotiate their own interests in making difficult decisions regarding irregular migration in the region and how responsibility and burdens should be shared.


2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 2150006
Author(s):  
Yunhua Cao

China–US relations will stagnate in a strategic game for some time to come and even for a long historical period. ASEAN will find itself confronted with a new problem and a new challenge as it has to navigate through this situation and cope with inter-state relations and international affairs under this context. As the largest neighbor of China and a main partner to the US in Asia, ASEAN insists on “not choosing any side” and sticks to the “balance of power”. The intensified China–US game has some potential impact on China-ASEAN relations. Securing the centrality of ASEAN in regional cooperation not only helps maintain lasting peace, stability and prosperity in Southeast Asia, but also is in line with the long-term strategic interests of China and the US in the region. China will continue to support the centrality of ASEAN in regional cooperation, promote deep integration of the “Belt and Road” initiative with different institutional arrangements that ASEAN makes for regional integration, and give positive considerations to building production bases in Southeast Asia to improve its global industrial chain.


Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer

This chapter examines how domestic politics shaped the foreign policy of détente during the 1970s. It first considers Richard Nixon's pursuit of détente as part of his national security agenda and the role played by Henry Kissinger both under Nixon and Gerald Ford. It then explains how the national security centrism of Nixon and Ford failed to create a stable political majority within the Republican Party and shows how both presidents collided with two factions in the burgeoning conservative movement: neoconservatives from the Democratic Party and hawkish Republicans. It also discusses the 1976 Republican presidential primaries that dealt the final blow to détente within the GOP and suggests that Ronald Reagan's victory in the 1980 presidential election led Republicans to adopt a more militaristic outlook toward international affairs.


1992 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Tarling

To historians of Southeast Asia, the Bandung conference of 1955 presents itself as one of the most striking international initiatives undertaken by newly-independent Indonesia. For historians of Indonesia, it marks the emphasis on foreign as against domestic policy that was associated with Sukarno's growing dominance. To biographers of Sukarno it appears to be both a strategic device in domestic politics and a farsighted perception of a shift in international relations. Internationally it was both to demonstrate the influence of India and to show its limits. Even more it was to mark some kind of success for the People's Republic of China and for Chou En-lai in developing the foreign policy line associated already with Geneva and the five principles of co-existence.


Author(s):  
Ni Wayan Radita Novi Puspitasari

The collapse of New Order regime was caused by the Asian financial crisis with the crisis of confidence by Suharto and his political cronies. The origin of the Indonesian crisis situated in the effort to maintain foreign financial capital could not restore the deficit of the national market, while they also tried to keep the stability of fixed exchange rate. Under Suharto, Indonesia was ruled by the military dual-function system and authoritarianism. Popular uprising, pillages, and demonstrations arose in the breakdown of New Order. The aim of this paper is to analyze the rational choice theory of New Order regime and the social solidarity of the popular uprising in the Indonesian people. By the attempt to scrutinize the New Order regime, there are some questions need to be asked. Firstly, how was the emergence and his political scheme in the history of Indonesia? Secondly, why the Asian Financial Crisis brought Suharto and New Order regime into its downfall? and thirdly, what was the effect of mob violence that appeared in 1998? Through these questions, rational choice institutionalism and social solidarity will be the approaches to delve the analysis of New Order regime by differentiate the governmental, national and international scale of the study.


2020 ◽  

After the end of World War II when many Southeast Asian nations gained national independence, and up until the Asian Financial Crisis, film industries here had distinctive and colourful histories shaped by unique national and domestic conditions. Southeast Asia on Screen: From Independence to Financial Crisis (1945-1998) addresses the similar themes, histories, trends, technologies and sociopolitical events that have moulded the art and industry of film in this region, identifying the unique characteristics that continue to shape cinema, spectatorship and Southeast Asian filmmaking in the present and the future. Bringing together scholars across the region, chapters explore the conditions that have given rise to today’s burgeoning Southeast Asian cinemas as well as the gaps that manifest as temporal belatedness and historical disjunctures in the more established regional industries.


2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-156
Author(s):  
SOTIRIS RIZAS

AbstractThis article examines the evolution of Greece's foreign policy from a position of relative detachment to an increasing involvement in international affairs that eventually led to the country's realignment with Britain during the Abyssinian crisis. It is argued that Greece's foreign policy shift was a result of an interplay between a perceived threat of Italian revisionism, Britain's reappearance in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Abyssinian crisis and domestic political dynamics that led to the defeat of Eleftherios Venizelos who favoured a foreign policy detached from combinations of great powers.


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