WPS and LGBTI Rights

2018 ◽  
pp. 656-668
Author(s):  
Lisa Davis ◽  
Jessica Stern
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Bisexual Women ◽  
Raising Awareness ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Do So

This chapter explores current activism and debates on the discourse of gender within the WPS agenda. To do so, the convergence of women’s and LGBTI rights organizing in Iraq is explored. The interpretation of gender under the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda is outdated, binary, and heteronormative. This narrow approach has overlooked the experiences of lesbians, bisexual women, transgender, and intersex (LBTI) people in conflict and disaster settings, failing to capture threats and/or create tailored responses to meet survivors’ needs. In response, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI), and women’s rights activists have begun to collaborate, raising awareness about how gender and sexuality are intertwined. This chapter suggests that broadening the WPS agenda’s understanding of gender is in everyone’s interests. It argues that a broader interpretation of gender builds coalitions across the women’s and LGBTI movements which amount to a larger movement committed to ending violence against individuals for defying traditionally ascribed gender roles.

Women and Gender

2008 ◽  
pp. 495-510
Author(s):  
Charlotte Bunch
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Women And Gender ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
And Gender

This article discusses women and gender, and first identifies the differences between the concepts. It moves on to a critical examination of the norms and their institutional manifestations, along with selected UN system efforts to promote women's rights in development, peace and security, human rights, and health. The article also provides a balanced evaluation of how much things have changed for girls and women over the last sixty years.

Narratives of Tensions and Pressures

2021 ◽  
pp. 105-124
Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Security Governance ◽  
Prevention Of Violence ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Over Time

The WPS agenda is usually described in terms of four “pillars” of activity: the participation of women in peace and security governance; the prevention of violence and conflict; the protection of women’s rights and bodies; and gender-sensitive relief and recovery programming. Over time, however, the emphasis given to each of these pillars has varied, and different actors have supported different initiatives under each pillar, with different political effects. The story of tension evident in the data collected or co-produced is primarily articulated in this chapter in terms of imbalance across the various pillars (which in itself is interesting, as it presupposes the virtue or desirability of balance). Further, tensions and pressure points are politically and strategically deployed as rationales for (limited) engagement across the agenda as a whole by certain actors.

Gender Roles, Women’s Rights, and the Polarization of American Politics in the Late 20th Century

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie J. Spruill
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Late 20Th Century ◽  
Traditional Gender Roles ◽  
Wide Range

The late 20th century saw gender roles transformed as the so-called Second Wave of American feminism that began in the 1960s gained support. By the early 1970s public opinion increasingly favored the movement and politicians in both major political parties supported it. In 1972 Congress overwhelmingly approved the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and sent it to the states. Many quickly ratified, prompting women committed to traditional gender roles to organize. However, by 1975 ERA opponents led by veteran Republican activist Phyllis Schlafly, founder of Stop ERA, had slowed the ratification process, although federal support for feminism continued. Congresswoman Bella Abzug (D-NY), inspired by the United Nations’ International Women’s Year (IWY) program, introduced a bill approved by Congress that mandated state and national IWY conferences at which women would produce recommendations to guide the federal government on policy regarding women. Federal funding of these conferences (held in 1977), and the fact that feminists were appointed to organize them, led to an escalation in tensions between feminist and conservative women, and the conferences proved to be profoundly polarizing events. Feminists elected most of the delegates to the culminating IWY event, the National Women’s Conference held in Houston, Texas, and the “National Plan of Action” adopted there endorsed a wide range of feminist goals including the ERA, abortion rights, and gay rights. But the IWY conferences presented conservatives with a golden opportunity to mobilize, and anti-ERA, pro-life, and anti-gay groups banded together as never before. By the end of 1977, these groups, supported by conservative Catholics, Mormons, and evangelical and fundamentalist Protestants, had come together to form a “Pro-Family Movement” that became a powerful force in American politics. By 1980 they had persuaded the Republican Party to drop its support for women’s rights. Afterward, as Democrats continued to support feminist goals and the GOP presented itself as the defender of “family values,” national politics became more deeply polarized and bitterly partisan.

Of longing and waiting: An inter-Asia approach to love and intimacy among older lesbians and bisexual women

Sexualities ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 136346072096411
Author(s):  
Denise T-S Tang
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Qualitative Interviews ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Bisexual Women ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Spatial Dimensions ◽  
Ethnographic Data ◽  
And Bisexual ◽  
Older Chinese

This paper examines same-sex intimacies formed by and among older Chinese lesbians and bisexual women who were born from the late 1930s to the late 1950s through qualitative interviews and participant observation conducted in Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan. For this paper, I aim at complicating cultural notions of love, romance and intimacies, that were brought up within interstices of connected histories, gender roles and marginalized sexual subjectivities. Based on ethnographic data collected during 2016–2018, I elaborate on the moments of longing and waiting as redefining modern notions of love and intimacy across time and spatial dimensions. Then I bring up a methodological episode where inter-Asian referencing intersects with Chinese modernities to illustrate how gender and sexuality meet, intersect and influence each other in the cultural imagination and eventual materialization of women’s same-sex desires. The last section will examine the politics of butchness as protection and as a form of politeness.

Between the Margins and the Mainstream

2019 ◽  
pp. 205-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilary Charlesworth ◽  
Christine Chinkin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Human Rights Standards

This chapter investigates the conceptual limits of the field of women’s rights. It identifies two main currents of activity in the field: the elaboration of human rights standards, particularly through the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women of 1979; and the development of the ‘Women, Peace and Security’ agenda by the UN Security Council since 2000. Both areas are limited in their understandings of the diverse lives of women. The chapter argues that campaigns for the recognition of women’s rights shuttle between the mainstream and the margins of international law and that the structural bases of women’s disadvantage remain obscured in both locations.

scholarly journals Nature as Space: Gender Roles and Subversion in Edna O’Brien’s “A Scandalous Woman”

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Christopher Herman George
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Gender Roles ◽  
Short Story ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Social Conventions ◽  
Psychological Component ◽  
The Witch

The rigid social conventions for women in rural twentieth century Ireland, specifically that of the nun and the mother, are illustrated and subsequently subverted by the figures of the scandalous woman and the witch in Edna O’Brien’s short story, “A Scandalous Woman”. Most of the scholarship on this short story and O’Brien’s work in general has been focused on the gender roles in terms of women’s rights. The purpose of this paper, however, is to explore the interrelationship between both the accepted and subversive roles of women, and at the same time demonstrate how social conventions are made subversive by the natural surroundings, outlining both the conventional and subversive nature symbolism which underpins conventional morality. Nature takes on various guises in the story: it has symbolic importance as spiritual sustenance, it has an underlying psychological component, and finally it is present in both erotic and esoteric situations. Spaces are inexorably intertwined with religion and the role of the women in the story, specifically in the context of Eily, the protagonist, and her progression from an innocent girl to a scandalous woman. These connections also serve to illustrate the main character’s progression from innocent girl to scandalous woman in terms of the interactions of gender, nature, and space.

scholarly journals Women’s Rights Or Ontological Erasure? A Feminist Insight Into Women Protection Bill (2015)

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Rabia Aamir
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Islamic Feminism ◽  
The Common ◽  
Insight Into

The schism created between man and woman in recent times of some past centuries has generated critical debates in different social frameworks. In Pakistan’s context, the recently passed bill for women’s protection has garnered a debate about certain structured gender roles that need be addressed to alleviate the sexual polarization that has ensued. While some religious factions have their apparently patriarchal concerns to resolve the perpetration of anti-patriarchal discourse that this bill seemingly initiates, this paper explores the manifestations of very pertinent anti-feminist concerns that this bill ensconces in its text, the discussion of which is mandatory for the peace and stability of this society. Drawing interstitially from Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s concept of the subaltern in a postcolonial context, the questioning of the parochial double-bound concept of post-coloniality and womanhood by Sara Suleri, and the legacy of Islamic feminism are three possible modes of addressing these relevant trepidations in the Pakistani context. Using this multi-pronged approach as a theoretical framework, this exploratory paper impresses an imperative of deconstructing the textual implications initiated by such issues as raised in this bill. Validating the common grounds of the three adopted approaches, this study is an attempt at revealing a multiplicity of meanings for objective cognizance.

“Suffrage ‘Owns’ City,” 1913–1915

2019 ◽  
pp. 99-123
Author(s):  
Lauren C. Santangelo
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
Public Health Nurses ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Sporting Events ◽  
Organizational Work ◽  
Do So ◽  
Summer Vacations

The 1915 state referendum required leaders like Carrie Chapman Catt and Harriot Stanton Blatch to move beyond recruiting female allies and instead convince legislators and men with the ballot to support women’s rights. This chapter describes how activists quickly rallied their urban army to do so: public health nurses courted immigrant support, actresses used their celebrity to draw attention, socialites poured money into the treasury, and teachers forfeited their summer vacations for organizational work. City organizations, including the Woman Suffrage Party, pooled resources to form the Empire State Campaign Committee. Everyone recognized that winning the state’s forty-five Electoral College votes would be a pivotal step toward achieving a national amendment. However, obstacles remained. Organizers chafed at police restrictions, faced resistance at sporting events, and needed to relocate headquarters in an ever-changing rental marketplace. Ultimately, more than three hundred thousand men voted against women’s right to the franchise at the 1915 referendum, ensuring that polling places would remain distinctly male terrain in an increasingly heterosocial city.

scholarly journals Protestant Political Theology and Pluralism: From a Politics of Refusal to Tending and Organizing for Common Goods

Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 522
Author(s):  
Emily Dumler-Winckler
Keyword(s):  
Side Effects ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Theological Virtues ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
Do So

Protestant perspectives on pluralism in political theology are predictably plural. While prevalent narratives of modern decline bemoan Protestant pluralism and its ostensive side-effects, others celebrate pluralism as a good in its own right. One aim of this essay is to display the diverse perspectives in Protestant political theology regarding political theology itself, pluralism, secularism, and democracy, while clarifying and refining these terms. I do so by considering each theme in turn. Finally, I consider the ways that religious dissenters of the 1790s defy prominent depictions of Protestantism, even as they exemplify the plurality at its core. The dissenters wed an ancient legacy of reflection on theological virtues such as charity to appeals for human and women’s rights, and suggest that love of country, neighbor, alien and God is central to protestant political theology. Given the plurality inherent in Protestantism, Christianity, and modern democratic societies alike, we have good reasons, I argue, to turn from a politics of refusal to one of tending and organizing for goods shared in common.

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