scholarly journals Women’s Rights Or Ontological Erasure? A Feminist Insight Into Women Protection Bill (2015)

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Rabia Aamir

The schism created between man and woman in recent times of some past centuries has generated critical debates in different social frameworks. In Pakistan’s context, the recently passed bill for women’s protection has garnered a debate about certain structured gender roles that need be addressed to alleviate the sexual polarization that has ensued. While some religious factions have their apparently patriarchal concerns to resolve the perpetration of anti-patriarchal discourse that this bill seemingly initiates, this paper explores the manifestations of very pertinent anti-feminist concerns that this bill ensconces in its text, the discussion of which is mandatory for the peace and stability of this society. Drawing interstitially from Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s concept of the subaltern in a postcolonial context, the questioning of the parochial double-bound concept of post-coloniality and womanhood by Sara Suleri, and the legacy of Islamic feminism are three possible modes of addressing these relevant trepidations in the Pakistani context. Using this multi-pronged approach as a theoretical framework, this exploratory paper impresses an imperative of deconstructing the textual implications initiated by such issues as raised in this bill. Validating the common grounds of the three adopted approaches, this study is an attempt at revealing a multiplicity of meanings for objective cognizance.

Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

The study’s theoretical framework is explicated in this chapter. The chapter draws on the international relations, gender and politics, public administration, and African studies literatures to develop a framework that explains implementation at the national and street levels. It shows that an interplay of external and domestic factors shape implementation but specifies that domestic actors and conditions become more essential at the institutionalization stage. While high international pressure is sufficient for the creation of specialized mechanisms, domestic pressure and conditions become more important at the institutionalization state. Thus, low domestic pressure and unfavorable political and institutional conditions hinder implementation, even when combined with high international pressure.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Golrang Khadivi

After the Islamic Revolution in 1979, patriarchal, religiously oriented rules discriminated against women’s rights and changed their position in society and politics. Islamic feminism in Iran as a post-revolutionary discourse deals with this issue and, at the same time, seeks a new alternatives in the contemporary interpretation of religious norms and those influenced by religion. This work reflects on the mindset and argumentation of various social actors in the debate on women’s rights in Iran since the emergence of the Islamic Republic, in particular on the positions of male thinkers. Furthermore, using the career, biography and publications of each respective actor, the study reconstructs what they base their arguments on and from which perspective they substantiate their points of view. The mindset and reasoning of these thinkers determine their positions in the women’s rights debate on the realisation of reform. In contrast to conservatives, with their clear notion of women’s rights, religiously progressive and liberal secular thinkers place the liberation of women from a prescribed patriarchal system and the restoration of women’s self-confidence at the centre of political and social life.


Author(s):  
Marjorie J. Spruill

The late 20th century saw gender roles transformed as the so-called Second Wave of American feminism that began in the 1960s gained support. By the early 1970s public opinion increasingly favored the movement and politicians in both major political parties supported it. In 1972 Congress overwhelmingly approved the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and sent it to the states. Many quickly ratified, prompting women committed to traditional gender roles to organize. However, by 1975 ERA opponents led by veteran Republican activist Phyllis Schlafly, founder of Stop ERA, had slowed the ratification process, although federal support for feminism continued. Congresswoman Bella Abzug (D-NY), inspired by the United Nations’ International Women’s Year (IWY) program, introduced a bill approved by Congress that mandated state and national IWY conferences at which women would produce recommendations to guide the federal government on policy regarding women. Federal funding of these conferences (held in 1977), and the fact that feminists were appointed to organize them, led to an escalation in tensions between feminist and conservative women, and the conferences proved to be profoundly polarizing events. Feminists elected most of the delegates to the culminating IWY event, the National Women’s Conference held in Houston, Texas, and the “National Plan of Action” adopted there endorsed a wide range of feminist goals including the ERA, abortion rights, and gay rights. But the IWY conferences presented conservatives with a golden opportunity to mobilize, and anti-ERA, pro-life, and anti-gay groups banded together as never before. By the end of 1977, these groups, supported by conservative Catholics, Mormons, and evangelical and fundamentalist Protestants, had come together to form a “Pro-Family Movement” that became a powerful force in American politics. By 1980 they had persuaded the Republican Party to drop its support for women’s rights. Afterward, as Democrats continued to support feminist goals and the GOP presented itself as the defender of “family values,” national politics became more deeply polarized and bitterly partisan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (04) ◽  
pp. 1215-1223
Author(s):  
Sylvia Vatuk

I focus in this essay on legal issues related to women's rights in the British colonial period that are discussed in Mitra Sharafi's 2014 book, Law and Identity in Colonial South Asia: Parsi Legal Culture, 1772–1947. Beginning in the early nineteenth century, the Parsi leadership actively lobbied for laws related to intestate inheritance, women's property rights, divorce, and child marriage that were consistent with their community's customary values and practices. During the same period, legal reform movements were also underway on behalf of Hindu and Muslim women and, to a lesser extent, Christian women. This essay highlights some of the common themes in those movements and discusses, in particular, the similarities and differences in what was achieved for Parsi women and their Hindu sisters, as they and their respective male leaders traversed the road toward greater gender equality under the law.


Author(s):  
Christopher Herman George

The rigid social conventions for women in rural twentieth century Ireland, specifically that of the nun and the mother, are illustrated and subsequently subverted by the figures of the scandalous woman and the witch in Edna O’Brien’s short story, “A Scandalous Woman”. Most of the scholarship on this short story and O’Brien’s work in general has been focused on the gender roles in terms of women’s rights. The purpose of this paper, however, is to explore the interrelationship between both the accepted and subversive roles of women, and at the same time demonstrate how social conventions are made subversive by the natural surroundings, outlining both the conventional and subversive nature symbolism which underpins conventional morality. Nature takes on various guises in the story: it has symbolic importance as spiritual sustenance, it has an underlying psychological component, and finally it is present in both erotic and esoteric situations. Spaces are inexorably intertwined with religion and the role of the women in the story, specifically in the context of Eily, the protagonist, and her progression from an innocent girl to a scandalous woman. These connections also serve to illustrate the main character’s progression from innocent girl to scandalous woman in terms of the interactions of gender, nature, and space.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48
Author(s):  
Farah Shahin

Abstract Islamic feminism is characterised by a debate, a practice enunciated within the Islamic values and frame. Muslim women brought their experiences to the forefront and challenged the traditional and post-classical interpretation of the Qurʾan and Sunna. They claimed interpretations of the religious text as totally biased and based on men’s experience, questions that are male-centric, and the overall influence of the patriarchal society and culture. According to Islamic feminists, Islam has guaranteed women’s rights since its inception, confirming the notion of egalitarian ethics within Islam. However, the original message of Islam has been hindered by the hegemonic interpretation of Islamic jurisprudence; a product of existing patriarchy in the long passage of Islamic history for over several centuries. The rights of women as prescribed in Islam are not in practice anymore, even the demand for women’s rights is seen by many as going against the basic principle of Islam. Islamic feminists give their justifications from the Qurʾan and Hadith, and they called for re-opening the door of ijtihād (reasoning). This paper captures the significant works of feminist discourses and analyses different perspectives by the Islamic feminists who challenged the dominant discourses in Islam. It deals with the dominant discourse of Islamic feminists such as feminist hermeneutics of the Qurʾan, and includes a discussion on how feminist hermeneutics or new gender-sensitive interpretation of the Qurʾan tries to assert gender equality in the Qurʾan. There are two ways in which Muslims read patriarchy in the Qurʾan: first from the verses and the other from the different treatment of the Qurʾan on issues including marriages, divorce, inheritances, and witness. Islamic feminists reject anti-women elements, present in the Muslim umma and consider them as unethical and against Islam.


Author(s):  
Denise Lynn

Women in the American Communist Party believed the rise of fascism in Europe was a direct threat to women’s rights. Hitler’s rise to power and what Communists read as a push to ‘nationalize’ German women’s maternity compelled Communist women to argue that fascism was a threat to women’s rights and perpetuated false ideals of ‘natural’ gender roles. Communist women dutifully followed the party’s anti-fascist line; however, they expanded it by arguing that gender inequality was on the rise in fascist nations and women’s rights had to move to the forefront of Popular Front struggles. Communists emphasized the rights of mothers and workers in an effort to better secure the rights of women. This article argues that party women rejected Nazi pronatalism, advanced women’s rights within the party’s ‘United Front’ and pushed their agenda within the American Communist Party.


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