Social Movements

Author(s):  
Marilena Simiti

Greece has a sustained political tradition of social movement activity. From the restoration of democracy in 1974 to the recent financial crisis Greece has experienced numerous episodes of collective action, ranging from peaceful demonstrations to violent protests. This chapter delineates the trajectory of major social movements (the student, feminist, ecological, alter-globalization movements, the anti-austerity protests, the Greek Indignados as well as the urban disruption of December 2008) underlining that social protest has not been pacified in contemporary Greek society. Even though protest is a normal and ubiquitous aspect of political life, social movement activists have not retreated from the use of confrontational protest, nor has political conflict become more institutionalized. On the other hand, the Greek social movement sector has also witnessed significant long-term shifts since 1974, including the diminishing influence of political parties on movements, the transnationalization of contention, and the increased heterogeneity and fluidity of collective identities, as well as the proliferation of non-state-centric forms of political activism. The chapter concludes with some reflections on future challenges for social movement studies in Greece.

Author(s):  
Marilena Simiti

Greece has a sustained political tradition of social movement activity. From the restoration of democracy in 1974 to the recent financial crisis Greece has experienced numerous episodes of collective action, ranging from peaceful demonstrations to violent protests. This chapter delineates the trajectory of major social movements (the student, feminist, ecological, alter-globalization movements, the anti-austerity protests, the Greek Indignados as well as the urban disruption of December 2008) underlining that social protest has not been pacified in contemporary Greek society. Even though protest is a normal and ubiquitous aspect of political life, social movement activists have not retreated from the use of confrontational protest, nor has political conflict become more institutionalized. On the other hand, the Greek social movement sector has also witnessed significant long-term shifts since 1974, including the diminishing influence of political parties on movements, the transnationalization of contention, and the increased heterogeneity and fluidity of collective identities, as well as the proliferation of non-state-centric forms of political activism. The chapter concludes with some reflections on future challenges for social movement studies in Greece.


1992 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Diani

Recent developments in social movement research have evidenced a greater underlying consensus in the field than one might have assumed. Efforts have been made to bridge different perspectives and merge them into a new synthesis. Yet, comparative discussion of the concept of ‘social movement’ has been largely neglected so far. This article reviews and contrasts systematically the definitions of ‘social movement’ formulated by some of the most influential authors in the field. A substantial convergence may be detected between otherwise very different approaches on three points at least. Social movements are defined as networks of informal interactions between a plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in political or cultural conflicts, on the basis of shared collective identities. It is argued that the concept is sharp enough a) to differentiate social movements from related concepts such as interest groups, political parties, protest events and coalitions; b) to identify a specific area of investigation and theorising for social movement research.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223
Author(s):  
Nadir N. Budhwani ◽  
Gary N. McLean

The Problem There is a growing need to explore the role of the centuries-old tradition of Sufism and its teachings which, through social movements, have contributed to, and continue to influence, human resource development (HRD) at various levels—individual, group, organization, community, nation, and international. The Solution To address this need, we present cases of social movements inspired by Sufi teachings in selected parts of the world. We discuss, using literature and personal experiences, links among Sufi teachings, social movements, and HRD, and provide a framework for understanding Sufi teachings within the context of the social movement phenomenon. We end with recommendations for practice and research. The Stakeholders We target broadening the horizons of HRD researchers, practitioners, civil society members, and social movement activists, encouraging them to address long-term changes and collective learning through the quest for unconditional love and liberation, which represent the core of Sufi teachings.


2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Langman

From the early 1990s when the EZLN (the Zapatistas), led by Subcommandte Marcos, first made use of the Internet to the late 1990s with the defeat of the Multilateral Agreement on Trade and Investment and the anti-WTO protests in Seattle, Quebec, and Genoa, it became evident that new, qualitatively different kinds of social protest movements were emergent. These new movements seemed diffuse and unstructured, yet at the same time, they forged unlikely coalitions of labor, environmentalists, feminists, peace, and global social justice activists collectively critical of the adversities of neoliberal globalization and its associated militarism. Moreover, the rapid emergence and worldwide proliferation of these movements, organized and coordinated through the Internet, raised a number of questions that require rethinking social movement theory. Specifically, the electronic networks that made contemporary globalization possible also led to the emergence of “virtual public spheres” and, in turn, “Internetworked Social Movements.” Social movement theory has typically focused on local structures, leadership, recruitment, political opportunities, and strategies from framing issues to orchestrating protests. While this tradition still offers valuable insights, we need to examine unique aspects of globalization that prompt such mobilizations, as well as their democratic methods of participatory organization and clever use of electronic media. Moreover, their emancipatory interests become obscured by the “objective” methods of social science whose “neutrality” belies a tacit assent to the status quo. It will be argued that the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory offers a multi-level, multi-disciplinary approach that considers the role of literacy and media in fostering modernist bourgeois movements as well as anti-modernist fascist movements. This theoretical tradition offers a contemporary framework in which legitimacy crises are discussed and participants arrive at consensual truth claims; in this process, new forms of empowered, activist identities are fostered and negotiated that impel cyberactivism.


Author(s):  
Tatyana V. Troitskaya ◽  

Introduction. The socio-political sphere of the state is the foundation of its democratic development and a prerequisite for longterm state-building. The history of the development of the Russian state testifies to the absence of traditions of the formation of democratic institutions and their development. Social movements in the modern state are the mainstay of the development of the country’s political system and the prerequisite for the formation of new political parties. In accordance with the Federal Law “On Public Associations”, a public movement is a type of public association that has a mass character and pursues social, political and other socially useful goals. Taking into account the peculiarities of the current stage of constitutional and legal regulation of the activities of political parties, it is necessary to consider the issue of expanding the participation of social movements in the socio-political life and in the electoral process. Theoretical analysis. Today, Russia stands on the path of democratic transformation of all state institutions. The institutions of the socio-political sphere of civil society also need this transformation. The activities of political parties in a country with a stable constitutional framework are the basis for the exercise of state power. The functioning party system of modern Russia is not characterized by elements of completeness. Social movements, taking into account the Russian reality, could become a platform for the formation of competitive political parties in the future. Empirical analysis. The analysis of the content of the Federal Law “On the basic guarantees of electoral rights and the right to participate in the referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation” indicates the legal consolidation of such a concept as “electoral association”. This concept is introduced to define the subject of electoral actions in the process of holding elections at various territorial levels. Its content indicates that in the framework of federal and regional elections, these are primarily political parties. In elections to local self-government bodies, such an electoral association may be a public movement, provided that the purpose of participation in the elections is fixed in the statutory documents. Results. The natural process of forming political parties is related to their grassroots level of formation. Today’s Russian party system is in crisis, and small political parties do not enjoy electoral support. It is necessary to create legal conditions for the development of socio-political movements – as an organizational basis for the formation of political parties with stable political programs. The conclusion is formulated that among all the variety of social movements functioning in Russia, one can distinguish such a variety as socio-political movements and provide for their right to nominate candidates for deputies in single-mandate and multi-mandate electoral districts, as well as their participation in the implementation of public control in Russia.


Author(s):  
Eduardo Romanos

According to cross-national surveys, Spaniards are among the Europeans who participate the most in street protests. At the same time, Spanish social movements have been generally understood as deploying a less radical protest repertoire and a relatively weak organizational model. Building upon central concepts in social movement studies, this chapter analyses these and other features of the Spanish activist tradition as compared to other Western countries. An especial attention is paid to the strongest protest cycles in Spanish recent history: the years of the democratic transition and the Great Recession. In doing so, this chapter aims to address the long-term effects of regime transition on domestic collective action and organized protest.


Author(s):  
Alice Mattoni

Social movements are also producers of symbolic resources, since they construct new collective identities and provide alternative system of meanings to societies. This was particularly significant with regard to recent struggles against work insecurity in Italy. There, in a discursive context dominated by the so-called ‘flexibility political mantra’, activists raised their voice in order to identify a novel social problem, precarity, and a novel social subject, precarious workers. The paper starts from these premises in order to investigate the so-called media sociali, a particular kind of media practice that had been developed by Italian activists involved in the long protest campaign against precarity, namely the Euro Mayday Parade (EMP). Probably, the media sociali are the most evident attempt to construct a fresh imagery based on precarious workers living and working conditions and to provide an alternative cultural grammar able to speak about precarity. The paper gives back the most important mechanism on which the media sociali rests through the living voices of activists involved in their elaboration: the mechanism of political socialization and social networking as well as the mechanism of diffusion and mutual recognition. Moreover, the paper proposes further reflections about the way in which those activists involved in the EMP perceived the media sociali. In doing so, the paper presents different ways of interpreting political conflict in contemporary Italian social movements and argues that the media sociali are an interesting attempt to overcome both mainstream and independent media in the construction of precarious workers’ imagery and political socialization. Interviews with activists and social movement generated documents are the main data source, investigated according to a qualitative analysis approach.


1997 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gerring

Conventional wisdom states that where ideas and values have mattered in American political life they have usually been the product of a single, overarching political culture. The United States, it is argued, has had political conflict but not ideological conflict. Perhaps nowhere is this premise more noticeable than in the study of political parties. According to Du-verger, “[T]he two parties are rival teams, one occupying office, the other seeking to dislodge it. It is a struggle between the ins and the outs, which never becomes fanatical, and creates no deep cleavage in the country.” Everett Carll Ladd writes, “[T]he need to seek support within an overarching ideological consensus, has historically imposed certain characteristics on the major American parties – social group inclusiveness, accommodationism, a ‘non-ideological’ stance vis-a-vis their principal opponents (which, after all, accept the same ideology).”


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Meyer

Taking credit for achieving some desirable outcome is an essential element of politics, and the stakes of doing so are particularly high for social protest movements. Popular narratives of social change assign some movements a critical role for promoting change, but ignore the influence of others. Winning acceptance of a preferred narrative of influence is a neglected, but important, social movement outcome. I use disparate stories of movement success in claiming credit to underscore the analytical problem of why some challengers end up deriving credit, both in the short and long term, for their efforts, while others don't. Movement activists and their competitors offer narratives of past influence as a kind of claims-making activity to serve current political goals. In this way, the process of claiming credit is analogous to that of establishing a reputation. I examine contextual factors likely to affect why some social movements, and some social movement actors, may be better positioned, or more interested, in promoting a narrative of their own influence than others. I argue that movement factions that place identifiable individuals in prominent positions in institutional politics are more likely to be able to promote their story of influence, but paradoxically this comes with a narrative that emphasizes the importance of mainstream politics. I conclude with a call for more research on the process and the outcomes of contests for credit.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefania Milan

A variety of social movements across the world and the political spectrum are now taking advantage of peer production mechanisms such as collaboration, co-production, and self-organisation. This essay investigates the consequences of peer production for social protest, looking at how peer production reshuffles and remediates social change activism today. It explores the convergences and tensions between peer networks and contemporary social movements ranging from informal coalitions and amorphous grouping to traditional social movement organisations. First, it traces the historical trajectory of peer production as it has come to permeate the progressive social movements of the last three decades, linking distinct approaches to organizing to technological innovation. Second, it reflects on the so-called social affordances (and constraints) of digital infrastructure and their role in fostering specific modes of creativity and convergence apt to support protest actors. Third, it explores three types of consequences of peer production for social movements, namely cultural production and norm change, collective identity, and the commons. The chapter then examines three tensions that might emerge in the process of embedding peer production mechanisms and values in instances of collective action, namely: individual vs. collective engagements, peer networks vs. social movement organizations, and self-organized vs. commercial infrastructure.


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