Turkey

2021 ◽  
pp. 745-763
Author(s):  
Ceren Özgül

This chapter argues that the supposed binary of a secular state and popular Islam is inadequate as a tool of analysis if we are to understand how religion has become a prominent category of both privilege and exclusion in Turkish society. Specifically, it contends that successive Turkish governments have privileged Sunni Islam as national identity. To build this argument, the chapter follows two parallel threads. The first analyses the ethnic and religious homogenization of the national body with a particular emphasis on violence against non-Muslim and non-Sunni groups. The second shows how, within the larger historical context of modernization theory, Cold War politics, and the post-9/11 promotion of moderate Islam, successive Turkish governments worked towards maintaining Sunni Muslim privilege while continuously expanding the category of enemies of the Turkish nation.

This first-ever history of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) is told through the reflections of its eight chairs in the period from the end of the Cold War until 2017. Coeditors Robert Hutchings and Gregory Treverton add a substantial introduction placing the NIC in its historical context going all the way back to the Board of National Estimates in the 1940s, as well as a concluding chapter that highlights key themes and judgments. The historic mission of this remarkable but little-understood organization is strategic intelligence assessment in service of senior American foreign policymakers. It has been at the center of every critical foreign policy issue during the period covered by this volume: helping shape America’s post–Cold War strategies, confronting sectarian conflicts around the world, meeting the new challenge of international terrorism, and now assessing the radical restructuring of the global order. Each chapter places its particular period of the NIC’s history in context (the global situation, the administration, the intelligence community) and assesses the most important issues with which the NIC grappled during the period, acknowledging failures as well as claiming successes. With the creation of the director of national intelligence in 2005, the NIC’s mission mushroomed to include direct intelligence support to the main policymaking committees in the government. The mission shift took the NIC directly into the thick of the action but may have come at the expense of weakening its historic role of providing over-the horizon strategic analysis.


Slavic Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 566-590
Author(s):  
Patryk Babiracki

Engaging with regional, international, and spatial histories, this article proposes a new reading of the twentieth-century Polish past by exploring the vicissitudes of a building known as the Upper Silesia Tower. Renowned German architect Hans Poelzig designed the Tower for the 1911 Ostdeutsche Ausstellung in Posen, an ethnically Polish city under Prussian rule. After Poland regained its independence following World War I, the pavilion, standing centrally on the grounds of Poznań’s International Trade Fair, became the fair's symbol, and over time, also evolved into visual shorthand for the city itself. I argue that the Tower's significance extends beyond Posen/Poznań, however. As an embodiment of the conflicts and contradictions of Polish-German historical entanglements, the building, in its changing forms, also concretized various efforts to redefine the dominant Polish national identity away from Romantic ideals toward values such as order, industriousness, and hard work. I also suggest that eventually, as a material structure harnessed into the service of socialism, the Tower, with its complicated past, also brings into relief questions about the regional dimensions of the clashes over the meaning of modernity during the Cold War.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jojin V. John

One of the striking themes in contemporary South Korean foreign policy is a strong emphasis on achieving seonjinguk (advanced nation) status in international affairs, as articulated in the slogan 'Global Korea'. Engaging with the discourse of globalization, the concept of seonjinguk has provided Korea with an interpretive framework for discussions of its national identity and global position. The historical experience of Korea as a hujinguk (backward country) underlies the emphasis accorded to the goal of becoming seonjinguk. The article argues that the discursive practice of Global Korea was not merely a point of departure in Korean foreign policy but was also the key site of Korean national identity construction. Through an exploration of the historical context and diplomatic practice of constructing Global Korea, it illustrates the continuity and authority of the discourse of seonjinguk in interpreting and constructing Korean national identity.


Author(s):  
Paul E. Lenze, Jr.

Algeria is a state in the Maghreb that has been dominated by military rule for the majority of its existence. The National People’s Army (ANP) used nationalism to justify its intervention into politics while ensuring that withdrawal would occur only if national identity were protected. Algeria, similar to other Middle Eastern states, underwent historical trajectories influenced by colonialism, the Cold War, and post-9/11 politics; briefly experimented with democracy; and as a result, experienced the military as the dominant institution in the state. The resignation of Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika after 20 years of rule in April 2019, following six weeks of popular protest, has raised questions as to whether democratization is possible. Algeria’s history of military involvement in politics, the strength of the military as an institution, and its cooperative links with domestic elites and international actors portend the endurance of authoritarianism for the foreseeable future.


Author(s):  
Megan A. Stewart

What role, if any, does religious ideology play in the Islamic State’s (IS) violence and governance strategies? Given the organization’s name alone, the role of religious ideology in the group’s behavior—from challenging its enemies through a combination of violent tactics to undertaking intensive state-building projects—has seemed paramount. This essay, however, argues that the Islamic State’s governance and warmaking strategies are neither unique to the Islamic State nor are they particularly Islamic, as these behaviors are part of revolutionary warfare strategy that crystallized under, and were predominantly implemented by, leftist rebel groups during the Cold War. The Islamic State’s approach is thus a jihadist interpretation of this revolutionary warfare strategy with origins in leftist rebel groups. This essay describes the nature and origins of revolutionary warfare, as well as its spread from leftist and anticolonial movements across ideological categories to jihadist groups. It then demonstrates the parallels in both violence and governance between the Islamic State and Cold War leftist revolutionaries. The essay concludes with a discussion of the role of a religious ideology in terms of the Islamic State’s strategic approach, as well as the implications for jihadist warfare in the future.


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