Political Ideologies in the Age of Globalization

Author(s):  
Manfred B. Steger

This chapter reflects on why and how the forces of globalization have altered the conventional political belief systems codified by social power elites since the French Revolution. In order to explain these dramatic transformations, the chapter discusses at some length the crucial relationship between two ‘social imaginaries’—the national and the global—that underpin the articulation of political ideologies. The chapter suggests a new typology of three contemporary ‘globalisms’ based on the disaggregation of new ideational clusters not merely into core concepts, but, perhaps more dynamically, into various sets of central ideological claims that play crucial semantic and political roles. These three globalisms—market globalism, justice globalism, and religious globalism—represent a set of political ideas and beliefs coherent and conceptually thick enough to warrant the status of mature ideologies.

2018 ◽  
pp. 167-211
Author(s):  
Craig Bruce Smith

From the aftermath of Yorktown through the rise of political parties in the early republic, this chapter shows that legislation and policy (from the Treaty of Paris to the Constitution to attempts at abolitionism) were based on these new concepts of honor and virtue. It also shows the institutionalizing of egalitarian honor in schools, organizations (like the Society of the Cincinnati), occupations, and politics. It charts the development of business ethics in the form of professional honor for lawyers, doctors, and even job applicants. Most importantly, this chapter engages the new conceptions of honor that developed during the early republic, including the rise to prominence of Franklin’s ascending honor (which in part was adapted into the notion of republican womanhood) and Thomas Jefferson’s version that made honor entirely internal and akin to modern ethics. The chapter examines how these new ideals impacted all classes of society including women and African Americans. While most citizens agreed that honor and virtue were defining elements, they differed greatly on how these concepts related to governance, policy (especially the French Revolution), and society. Contestations over the interpretation of national and personal honor would in turn spark in-fighting, dissention, and revival belief systems, highlighted by the development of political parties.


Author(s):  
Walter Lowrie

This chapter begins the discussion of Kierkegaard's final years. Here, the chapter places him in the year 1848, which was a momentous year in European history as it gradually felt the effects of the French Revolution. This period marked Kierkegaard's most intense spiritual activity, which resulted in the production of some of his best works. Kierkegaard himself looks back on this year and remarks that 1848 “potentiated me…it broke me, that is to say, it broke me religiously, or, as I put it in my language, God had run me to a standstill.” Yet, as the chapter shows, Kierkegaard had already discounted the events of that year and transcended the political ideologies which were dominant in his day.


Scholars of political thought have given a great deal of attention to the relationship between European political ideas and colonialism, especially to whether prominent thinkers supported or opposed colonialism. But little attention has so far been given to the reactions of those in the colonies to European ideas, where intellectuals actively sought to transform those ideas, deploying them strategically or adopting them as their own. A full reckoning of colonialism's effects requires attention to their intellectual choices and the political efforts that accompanied them, which sometimes produced surprising political successes. The contributors to this volume include a mix of political theorists and intellectual historians who seek to grapple with specific thinkers or contexts. Contributors focus on colonised societies including India, Haiti, the Philippines, Egypt, Morocco, Nigeria, and the settler countries of North America and Oceana, in times ranging from the French Revolution to the modern day.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 601-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Philip Schofield

In attempting to explain the stability of eighteenth-century Britain, and in particular the maintenance of political, social and economic supremacy by the landed aristocracy, scholars have begun to pay attention to the role of ideology and opinion. They see this not merely as providing an explanation of the way things were, but justifying and reinforcing them. The dominant ideological interpretation of society had emerged from the political and constitutional struggles of the seventeenth century, and in particular from the Glorious Revolution of 1688, an interpretation which might be denominated ‘Whig’, and which faced its most serious challenge at the very end of the eighteenth century from the French revolution. Despite the more tangible threat of French arms, the ruling classes in Britain did not underestimate the danger to social order from the arguments advanced by adherents of the rights-of-man doctrine propagated by the revolutionaries. If, in reply to these views, the status quo could be shown not only to be necessary and inevitable, but also right and good, that is to say correspondent with the true nature of man, then the morality of the existing practices and institutions of civil society would be proven. The problem at its most fundamental level was ethical, and it was a problem which conservatives attempted to solve in a variety of ways.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 113-123
Author(s):  
Yannick Bosc

Thomas Paine share with the Montagnards and the popular movement in the French Revolution the same conception of the republic. It is based on the guarantee of the right to exist, based on an idea of freedom defined as equality of personal rights. Instead, the Girondins and Condorcet whose political ideas are yet systematically associated with his, highlight the unlimited freedom of the owner as the basis of society. Thomas Paine allows to reconsider the divisions from which historiography has fixed the meaning of the French Revolution. He reveals the contradictions of the standard narrative of modernity we have inherited.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Steger

This article argues that proliferation of prefixes like ‘neo’ and ‘post’ that adorn conventional ‘isms’ have cast a long shadow on the contemporary relevance of traditional political ideologies. Suggesting that there is, indeed, something new about today’s political belief systems, the essay draws on the concept of ‘social imaginaries’ to make sense of the changing nature of the contemporary ideological landscape. The core thesis presented here is that today’s ideologies are increasingly translating the rising global imaginary into competing political programs and agendas. But these subjective dynamics of denationalization at the heart of globalization have not yet dispensed with the declining national imaginary. The twenty-first century promises to be an ideational interregnum in which both the global and national stimulate people’s deep-seated understandings of community. Suggesting a new classification scheme dividing contemporary political ideologies into ‘market globalism’, ‘justice globalism’, and ‘jihadist globalism’, the article ends with a brief assessment of the main ideological features of justice globalism.


2016 ◽  
pp. 815-829
Author(s):  
Samir Alicic

In Slovo, a speech that Bozidar Grujovic (Teodor Filipovic) prepared for the occasion of the foundation of the Governmental Council of Serbia (Praviteljstvujusci sovjet srpski) in 1805, there is a definition of the concept of ?statutory law? (zakon), according to which it has the following characteristics: it is the expression of the popular will; it applies equally to all citizens; it has rational and ethical characteristics because it requires good deeds and prevents the bad ones. Such a concept of statutory law significantly differs from the positivist conception, dominant in the contemporary Serbian law. In this article, the author analyzes the legal and political ideas of Bozidar Grujovic with the aim to show that his ideas derive from the Roman law, and that they are received, indirectly, by Rousseau and the ideologues of the French Revolution. Contrary to the dominant theory in today?s science, the author believes that the direct model for the ideas of Grujovic is not to be sought in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789, but in the Montagnard Constitution and the Declaration of the Rights of 1793.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document