Phonology and Phonetics

Author(s):  
Michael J. Kenstowicz

This chapter focuses on the contributions African languages have made to phonological theory. The first section reviews some of the highlights in the development of autosegmental representations, concentrating on the interface of sound segments with prosodic structure. It is shown how one–many and many–one relations between phonemes and syllable positions elucidate the behavior of geminate consonants and the compensatory lengthening that accompanies processes of devocalization and prenasalization. The sections that follow consider the African contribution to studies concerning the scope and limits of phonological variation. Typologies of vowel harmony, vowel hiatus resolution and nasal-consonant coalescence, syllabification, reduplication, and phonological phrasing are surveyed.

Phonology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Kügler

This paper examines phonological phrasing in the Kwa language Akan. Regressive [+ATR] vowel harmony between words (RVH) serves as a hitherto unreported diagnostic of phonological phrasing. In this paper I discuss VP-internal and NP-internal structures, as well as SVO(O) and serial verb constructions. RVH is a general process in Akan grammar, although it is blocked in certain contexts. The analysis of phonological phrasing relies on universal syntax–phonology mapping constraints whereby lexically headed syntactic phrases are mapped onto phonological phrases. Blocking contexts call for a domain-sensitive analysis of RVH assuming recursive prosodic structure which makes reference to maximal and non-maximal phonological phrases. It is proposed (i) that phonological phrase structure is isomorphic to syntactic structure in Akan, and (ii) that the process of RVH is blocked at the edge of a maximal phonological phrase; this is formulated in terms of a domain-sensitive CrispEdge constraint.


Author(s):  
Arto Anttila

Language is a system that maps meanings to forms, but the mapping is not always one-to-one. Variation means that one meaning corresponds to multiple forms, for example faster ~ more fast. The choice is not uniquely determined by the rules of the language, but is made by the individual at the time of performance (speaking, writing). Such choices abound in human language. They are usually not just a matter of free will, but involve preferences that depend on the context, including the phonological context. Phonological variation is a situation where the choice among expressions is phonologically conditioned, sometimes statistically, sometimes categorically. In this overview, we take a look at three studies of variable vowel harmony in three languages (Finnish, Hungarian, and Tommo So) formulated in three frameworks (Partial Order Optimality Theory, Stochastic Optimality Theory, and Maximum Entropy Grammar). For example, both Finnish and Hungarian have Backness Harmony: vowels must be all [+back] or all [−back] within a single word, with the exception of neutral vowels that are compatible with either. Surprisingly, some stems allow both [+back] and [−back] suffixes in free variation, for example, analyysi-na ~ analyysi-nä ‘analysis-ess’ (Finnish) and arzén-nak ~ arzén-nek ‘arsenic-dat’ (Hungarian). Several questions arise. Is the variation random or in some way systematic? Where is the variation possible? Is it limited to specific lexical items? Is the choice predictable to some extent? Are the observed statistical patterns dictated by universal constraints or learned from the ambient data? The analyses illustrate the usefulness of recent advances in the technological infrastructure of linguistics, in particular the constantly improving computational tools.


Author(s):  
Harry van der Hulst

The focus of this chapter is African languages and the various manifestations of tongue root harmony. While there is general agreement on the fact that a typical manifestation of vowel harmony involves the position of the tongue root, there is much controversy both on the phonetic detail of the tongue root distinction and on the nature of the phonological primes that are needed to account for tongue root harmony. Specific topics addressed include: the markedness paradox, patterns of merger, and opacity and transparency. There is also a discussion of vowel harmony in Bantu-C.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 1329
Author(s):  
Emily Ayieta Ondondo

Nasal Consonant (NC) sequences, in Bantu languages, and the long vowels preceding them remains a puzzle in Bantu literature and research. This paper provides a descriptively oriented analysis of the relationship between long vowels and nasal consonant sequences in Kisa, a dialect of Luhya, a Bantu language spoken in Khwisero Constituency Western Province, Kenya. The data used in this paper was generated by the author as a native speaker of Kisa. The central descriptive fact is that NC sequences in words consisting of native Kisa morphemes are usually, but not obligatorily, preceded by long vowels.  As such, NC sequences usually appear as part of an overall VVNC sequence. This pattern is widely found in Bantu languages, and the modelling of this preference for VVNC sequences has been a significant topic in phonological research on Bantu languages. Kisa provides evidence against the predominant analysis of the VVNC preference in Bantu- compensatory lengthening. The paper shows that compensatory lengthening does not provide a well-motivated analysis of Kisa.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 229-238
Author(s):  
Firdos Atta ◽  
Syed Nasir Abbas ◽  
Munir Khan

The study presents a basic analysis of loanwords adaptation process by Saraiki speakers. Loanwords from three languages are analyzed and results reveal that native grammar used different strategies for different languages. In one language the onset/initial CC is adapted while in the other the final CC is modified by Saraiki speakers. It is observed that if the loanwords structure is absent in native grammar, it is not adapted though it follows universal principles. Native grammar allows clusters on both initial and final positions but loanwords do not. The study also discloses the strange behaviour for different languages, Saraiki speakers used fix vowel to break the cluster of English loanwords but vowel harmony and gemination in Arabic loanwords. It is noted that loanwords grammar preferred to have CV and CVC syllables rather than clusters at margins. Apart from grammatical adaptation, prosodic structure of receiver is also maintained. In many examples Saraiki follows universal principles but sometimes presents its own way to adapt loanwords


Author(s):  
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal ◽  
Angelika Jakobi

Eastern Sudanic, the largest Nilo-Saharan subgroup in terms of number of languages, is spread over a vast area from Chad towards Eritrea and southwards towards central Tanzania. In spite of considerable phonological variation (for example concerning vowel harmony) and morphosyntactic typological variation (for example concerning the tripartite number marking, differential object marking, and differential subject marking, or the presence versus absence of coverbs, light verbs, converbs, or pluractionality) within this branch, a range of diagnostic features provide clues to the genetic coherence as well as to the divergence of Eastern Sudanic, thereby supporting its classification as a valid subgroup of Nilo-Saharan.


1992 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Lipski

Afro-Hispanic or bozal Spanish, from the sixteenth century to the early twentieth century, exhibited numerous cases of "epenthetic" nasal consonants, exemplified by Punto Rico < Puerto Rico; limbre < libre 'free'; pincueso < pescuezo 'neck'; and monosyllabic clitics such as lon < lo(s), lan < la(s), and so on. The present study, based on a comparison of Afro-Hispanic (AH) language data from a wide range of regions and time periods, provides alternative models for spontaneous nasalization. The first involves vowel nasalization, analyzed as the linking of a free (nasal) autosegment to the first available vowel of relevant words; Spanish speakers in turn reinterpreted the nasal vowels as a nasal consonant homorganic to the preceding consonant. Cases of apparent word-final nasal epenthesis, invariably involving phrase-internal clitics, resulted from prenasalization of following word-initial obstruents, a well-documented process in Afro-Iberian linguistic contacts. The preference for voiced obstruents to pre-nasalize is attributed to the lack of the normal fricative pronunciation of /b/, /d/, and /g/ in AH speech. In general, Spanish voiced obstruents are pronounced as stops only following nasals. The stop pronunciation of Pol, /d/, and /g/ by AH speakers was reinterpreted as an additional Root node, to which a floating (nasal) autosegment could be linked. AH nasalization generally seems to stem from Africans' underspecification of Spanish vowels and consonants, resulting from the precarious conditions under which Spanish was learned by speakers of various African languages.


Loquens ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. e065
Author(s):  
Alan Bale ◽  
Charles Reiss ◽  
David Ta-Chun Shen

We discuss a set-theoretic treatment of segments as sets of valued features and of natural classes as intensionally defined sets of sets of valued features. In this system, the empty set { } corresponds to a completely underspecified segment, and the natural class [ ] corresponds to the set of all segments, making a feature ± Segment unnecessary. We use unification, a partial operation on sets, to implement feature-filling processes, and we combine unification with set subtraction to implement feature-changing processes. We show how unification creates the illusion of targeting only underspecified segments, and we explore the possibility that only unification rules whose structural changes involve a single feature are UG-compatible. We show that no such Singleton Set Restriction can work with rules based on set subtraction. The system is illustrated using toy vowel harmony systems and a treatment of compensatory lengthening as total assimilation.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 65-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitsuhiko Ota

This article presents a model of prosodic structure development that takes account of the fundamental continuity between child and adult systems, the surface level divergence of child forms from their adult target forms, and the overall developmental paths of prosodic structure. The main empirical base for the study comes from longitudinal data collected from three Japanese-speaking children (1; 0–2; 6). Evidence for word-internal prosodic constituents including the mora and the foot is found in compensatory lengthening phenomena, syllable size restrictions and word size restrictions in early word production. By implementing the representational principles that organize these prosodic categories as rankable and violable constraints, Optimality Theory can provide a systematic account of the differences in the prosodic structure of child and adult Japanese while assuming representational continuity between the two. A constraint-based model of prosodic structure acquisition is also shown to demarcate the learning paths in a way that is consistent with the data.


Phonology ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Zsiga

In order to adequately describe the application of phonological rules across word boundaries, phonologists have appealed to the notion of prosodic domains (Selkirk 1980, 1986; Nespor & Vogel 1982, 1986; Kaisse 1985; Inkelas & Zee 1990). This research has suggested that the domains within and across which rules apply cannot be defined in purely syntactic terms, but rather that a domain structure consisting of prosodic entities such as the phonological word, phonological phrase and intonational phrase must be built up from the syntactic structure. It is to these prosodic categories that phonological rules refer. Prosodic domains are derived from but not necessarily coextensive with syntactic or morphological domains. In fact, some of the best evidence for the necessity of a prosodic structure in addition to a syntactic structure comes from cases where the two donotmatch, and where the correct phonological generalisations can only be captured in terms of the prosodic structure. Igbo presents just such a mismatch. This paper will examine two rules - ATR vowel harmony and vowel assimilation - that make the mismatch clear. These two rules apply in complementary situations: harmony applies only within the word, assimilation only between words. Both rules delineate the same domain, although one operates within the domain boundaries, one across them.


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