Why Aren't They There? The Political Representation of Women, Ethnic Groups and Issue Positions in Legislatures

2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 995-998 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liza Mügge
Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 212
Author(s):  
Pinar Savaş Yavuzçehre ◽  
Mısra Ciğeroğlu Öztepe

Turkey is one of the countries which has the lowest representation of women in local governments (LGs) in the world. While in many countries, women are more successful to participate in local political decision-making processes, the situation is vice versa in Turkey. The tendency of women to participate in politics at both national and local level is quite low in the country and this arises from several reasons such as the cultural and patriarchal structure of the country, the roles attributed to women by society, the insufficiency of women's education level etc. In this framework, this study aims to evaluate the representation of women in the LGs in Turkey. In this context, the theoretical framework is examined and the data and statistics regarding the issue are analyzed. Our analysis reveals that despite the efforts to increase the political representation of women in LGs, the invisibility of women in LGs is still a significant issue in the country.


Author(s):  
Heather Sarsons

Transylvania was, in 1437, a political community in which the interests of only a select few were represented. The definition of who belonged to the political community had a large impact on whose interests were reflected in the laws and policies that were set at the time. The presence of three distinct ethnic groups, the Romanians, the Magyars, and the Saxons, complicated this definition and, in consequence, whose interests would be represented. Although both were ethnic minorities, the Magyars and the Saxons held the majority of the political power in 1437 (Domonkos, 1983). Cultural friction between the Magyars and the Romanians resulted in the Magyars using their positions to deny the Romanians participation in politics, thereby preventing the Romanian culture from having any influence in Transylvania (Otetea, 1985). This paper examines the effects that the deprivation of political representation for the Romanians had on the political structure, laws, feudal obligations, and conscription policy in 1437 Transylvania and how this deprivation influenced the Babolna Peasant Revolt of 1437. Specifically, the Magyars were able to prevent the Romanians from receiving political representation by imposing restraints on who could participate in politics. This resulted in the denial of Romanian rights and allowed the Magyars to increase feudal and military obligations. As these burdens became more onerous, the Romanians became increasingly oppressed and were eventually forced to oppose the Magyars, giving way to the Babolna Peasant Revolt of 1437.


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