scholarly journals Janus Faced of Women's Parliament Family Line: Representation of Women in Politics and Party Oligarchy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The One

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.

scholarly journals O Problema do Poder Efetivo na Câmara dos Deputados

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renan Barbosa de Morais ◽  
Mário César San Felice ◽  
Pedro Henrique Del Bianco Hokama ◽  
Gabriel Ávila Casalecchi
Keyword(s):  
Game Theory ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Power Index ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Mathematical Concept ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Power ◽  
The One ◽  
Index Problem

Proportionality in political representation is an essential theme forrepresentative democracy. In Brazil, this debate appears in the contextof non-proportionality between a federative unit’s populationsize and its number of representatives in the Chamber of Deputies.In other words, the number of deputies in a state is not proportionalto its number of inhabitants, which violates the "one man, one vote"principle.Discussions around this disproportionality have motivated scholarsto develop empirical research that aims to identify the causesand consequences of the phenomenon and to analyze the impactthat the rule introduces in the political process. This article seeksto contribute to this debate by measuring the effective power ofeach Brazilian federation’s entity and proposing alternatives ofdistribution for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.To this end, we use a mathematical concept from game theory,called Power Index, which allows quantifying the existing representationaldiscrepancies. After evaluating several distributions, wesolved the Inverse Power Index Problem (IPIP) to obtain a distributionof chairs that reduces such disparities. To solve the IPIP, whichis computationally hard, we use an evolutionary heuristic. As anobjective function to minimize the discrepancy, we use the linearShapley rule, in which the power index of each state is proportionalto its population.

Independent Candidates and Political Representation in India

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
SACHA KAPOOR ◽  
ARVIND MAGESAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Causal Effect ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Vote Share ◽  
The Political ◽  
Standard Deviation Increase ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Independent Candidates

We estimate the causal effect of independent candidates on voter turnout and election outcomes in India. To do this, we exploit exogenous changes in the entry deposit candidates pay for their participation in the political process, changes that disproportionately excluded candidates with no affiliation to established political parties. A one standard deviation increase in the number of independent candidates increases voter turnout by more than 6 percentage points, as some voters choose to vote rather than stay home. The vote share of independent candidates increases by more than 10 percentage points, as some existing voters switch who they vote for. Thus, independents allow winning candidates to win with less vote share, decrease the probability of electing a candidate from the governing coalition by about 31 percentage points, and ultimately increase the probability of electing an ethnic-party candidate. Altogether, the results imply that the price of participation by independents is constituency representation in government.

The European Dimension of Minority Political Representation

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Spirova ◽  
Boyka Stefanova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
East European ◽  
European Dimension ◽  
Challenging Tasks ◽  
The Eu

The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.

scholarly journals Political representation of racial minorities in the parliament of Singapore

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 225-239
Author(s):  
Waikeung Tam
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Racial Minority ◽  
Racial Minorities ◽  
Research Note ◽  
The Political ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Content Analyses ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Minority Interests

AbstractThis research note studies the political representation of racial minorities in Singapore. Specifically, it analyzes whether racial minority members of parliament (MPs) are more likely than Chinese MPs to represent the interests of racial minorities in the Parliament. I answer this question through conducting content analyses of the parliamentary questions raised during the plenary meetings of the 10th–12th Parliament of Singapore (2002–2015). In total, 6,678 questions were asked. Our results show that racial minority MPs were significantly more likely (21.79 times) than Chinese MPs to ask questions related to racial minorities. While this study shows that racial minority MPs were significantly more likely than Chinese MPs to ask questions related to racial minorities, it also highlights the inadequacy of representation of racial minority interests in the Parliament of Singapore. During our period of study, only 1.2% of the total number of parliamentary questions focused on racial minorities. Besides MPs' race, this study finds that partisan affiliation crucially influenced the likelihood of MPs to represent racial minority interests. Political parties played an important role in shaping MPs' representational behavior. Compared to the People's Action Party (PAP) MPs, opposition MPs were significantly more likely to raise racial minority-related questions. One possible explanation could be that opposition MPs used parliamentary questions as an important tool to challenge and criticize the governing party's policies on racial minorities. Another explanation could be that PAP racial minority MPs' first loyalty has to be to the party and government rather than their co-ethnics, given that they are beholden to party elites for their seats.

scholarly journals The relationship between the members of parliament and political parties

2011 ◽  
pp. 259-268
Author(s):  
Svetozar Ciplic
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free Term ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Voting System ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Member Of Parliament

In this paper an attempt has been made to present one of the most prominent contradictions of the contemporary parliamentarianism in states which have a proportional voting system. This contradiction stems from the three-fold relationship between: a voter, a member of parliament (MP) and a political party from whose electoral list the MP is elected. On the one hand, a person does not have the possibility to be elected in the parliament if acting independently, outside the political party and its party mechanisms and logistical capacities. On the other hand, after being appointed the parliamentary term as a result of the party's will, the person attains the freedom, through their free term of office, to distance themselves from their political party, and even to leave it and join another political option. The paper also shows that this phenomenon significantly affects and deforms the principle of citizens' sovereignty, given that it is the political parties which have the major impact on the voters' sovereign will expressed at the elections. .

scholarly journals KOMITMEN PARTAI POLITIK TERHADAP PENCALONANPEREMPUAN SEBAGAI ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF DALAM UPAYA REALISASI UNDANG-UNDANG NO. 12 TH. 2003 DI PEKANBARU

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Sofia Hardani
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Electoral Law

The involvement of women in formal politics in Indonesia began to be taken into account since the enactment of the Electoral Law No. 12 In 2003, on the General Election. In Act specified 30% representation of women from all political parties in the parliamentary candidates in national and local level. In Riau Province, the representation of women in parliament has increased. but have not been able to meet the 30% quota for women. This is due to the attitude of the political parties have tended masculine. Undertake research to uncover the commitment of political parties to the nomination of women as members of the legislature in an attempt realization of law no. 12 of 2003 in the province of Riau. This study is a qualitative study, obtained by interview and observation to the board of DPD Golkar, PAN, PKS and the female candidates of political parties elected to the Legislative Council Pekanbaru period 2009-2014. The findings show the phenomenon of “halfhearted” of the party leadership to implement article 65, paragraph 1 of Law No. 12 in 2003 and are not genderresponsive policies, most party leaders still view women as “second class citizens” who do not deserve to sit in the first sequence number representing the party

Extra-Legal Political Parties in Wisconsin

1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 692-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank J. Sorauf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Public Attitude ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The One ◽  
Local Party

American political parties have long been the victims of a peculiarly ambivalent public attitude—an attitude which on the one hand views them as perverters of the democratic spirit while on the other hand it gives them a vital role in the political process. Much of the regulation imposed on the parties in this spirit of distrust makes it all the more difficult for them to carry out their political role. To operate successfully, they have been forced to adapt their organization and functions to rigorous legal climates.The vagueness and flexibility of political organization in the states reflect this constant struggle the parties wage to maintain their vitality and integrity against what are frequently severe legal odds. Parties have learned to create informal organs which will be effective and practical. Consequently, the real centers of political power rarely parallel the orderly, pyramided party organzations that the states create. The state or local party leader who holds no formal party office and the extra-legal organization or “machine” are commonplaces in American politics.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN A COMPETITIVE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS: CONSTANTS AND CHANGES

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
D.N. NECHAEV ◽  
◽  
V.V. OGNEVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
System A ◽  
The Times ◽  
The One ◽  
Degree Of Participation

The authors emphasize the importance of a competitive democratic process, in which political parties participate, and which determines the "winners" and "losers", the degree of participation of parties in the system of government and political decision-making. In addition, the tendency of constant transformation and adaptation of parties to the challenges of the times, changes in the configuration of party actors (increasing the influence of populists, left-wing and nationalist parties) is also obvious. The object of the research is political parties in national parties that are influenced by domestic and foreign political factors. The subject of the research is changes in the content and orientation of the activities of political parties, transformational shifts in the party systems of national states. The election campaigns of various levels (presidential, parliamentary, regional, local) in a number of countries in the world in 2020 clearly confirmed two main trends in relation to the institution of political parties. Moreover, these trends in many respects contradict each other. On the one hand, this competitive electoral, as well as the political process in general, is impossible without political parties. On the other hand, in various societies with different historical, cultural and civilizational traditions, there are still serious claims to this institution of the political system, a request for renewal of elements of national parties.

scholarly journals Gender Quotas in Clientelist Systems: The Case of Morocco’s National List

1970 ◽  
pp. 79-86
Author(s):  
James Liddell
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
Family Code

The use of parliamentary quotas to increase women’s political participation has gained a lot of traction in women’s empowerment discourse. Women’s movements worldwide have been working hard to make progress in ensuring a more equal representation of women in parties and parliament alike. So far during this decade, Morocco has emerged as one of the leading models for increasing women’s rights in the Arab world. In 2002, an informal agreement among political parties to establish a gender quota for women in parliament quickly gave Morocco one of the highest levels of women’s representation in the Arab region. Just two years later, women’s groups celebrated one of their greatest victories with the reform of the family code, moudawana, in 2004. Both of these events coincided with an increase in the number of women in positions of power.

2018 Fiji Election Results: Patterns of Voting by Provinces, Rural-Urban Localities, and by Candidates

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quantitative Analyses ◽  
Election Results

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.

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