scholarly journals Social entrepreneurship as field encroachment: how a neoliberal social movement constructed a new field

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Spicer ◽  
Tamara Kay ◽  
Marshall Ganz

AbstractIn explaining the emergence of new strategic action fields, in which social movements’ and organizations’ logic, rules and strategies are forged, inter-field dynamics remain under-explored. The case of Social Enterprise and Entrepreneurship (SEE) shows how new fields can emerge through field encroachment, whereby shifts among overlapping fields create structural opportunities for the ascendency of new fields, which may adapt logics borrowed from adjacent fields to construct legitimacy. SEE leveraged the 1980s’ shift between first-order market and state fields to encroach on the political strategies of community organizing, birthing a neoliberal social movement to create a new field addressing social problems using market-based, profit-motivated approaches. With its borrowed veneer of justice, SEE rapidly developed a high academic and public profile over just three decades, despite little evidence its approach to solving social problems works. In encroaching on proven political strategies for solving social problems, it may further undermine democratic practices.

2020 ◽  
pp. 002190962095488
Author(s):  
Abi Chamlagai

The purpose of this article is to compare Nepal’s two Tarai/Madhesh Movements using the political opportunity structure theory of social movements. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I launched by the Forum for Madheshi People’s Rights in 2007 became successful as Nepal became a federal state. Tarai/Madhesh Movement II launched by the United Democratic Madheshi Front of the Tarai/Madheshi parties and the Tharuhat Joint Struggle Committee of the Tharu organizations failed as political elites disagreed about the need to create two provinces in the Tarai/Madhesh. While Tarai/Madhesh Movement II confirms that a social movement is more likely to fail when political elites align against it, Tarai/Madhesh Movement II refutes the theoretical proposition. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I suggests that the sucess of a social movement is more likely despite the alignment of political elites against it if its central demand consistently sustains the support of its constituents.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-409
Author(s):  
SEYED AMIR NIAKOOEE

AbstractThe Second Khordad Movement was a democratic social movement in contemporary Iran. Investigation of this movement revealed two images, of flourish and of decline, as the movement was first generally successful until early 2000 and thereafter began to regress from the spring of that year onwards. The purpose of this article is to provide a comprehensive framework in which to examine the reasons behind the movement's failure and regression. To this end, the study utilizes the literature on social movements, especially the political process model, and attempts to explain the initial success and subsequent decline of the movement based on elements such as political opportunity, framing processes, mobilizing structures, and the repertoire of collective action.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 518-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Chironi ◽  
Federico Tomasello

In this interview, Antonio Negri first focuses on the possibility of defining the concept of ‘social movement’. By mobilizing a spectrum of references that goes from Carl Schmitt to the Weberian sociology of religion, he insists on the necessity, not to sociologically crystallize the concept, but, instead, to think about it in a historical manner. Social movements would then be attempts at activating ‘liberation processes’, which nowadays can only be thought of within the conditions of financial capitalism. Negri then proceeds to examine the relation between the concept of social movement and those of class and class struggle: he suggests a dynamic and relational interpretation of the Marxian concept of ‘living labour’ as a bridge between a class analysis of society and the study of social movements, movements which in the contemporary landscape are ready to take an ‘entrepreneurial’ connotation. The political and intellectual experience of Italian Workerism in the 1960s is then recalled as a fertile example of the application of this method of social analysis, but also as an exemplification of the principle of ‘unrepeatability’ of social movements. The author finally claims to be a ‘theorist of immaterial labour’ in order to then develop a radical critique of the idea of so-called ‘post-materialist’ movements and of the effects that such a notion has had on the sociology of social movements.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo D. Fernández ◽  
Ignasi Martí ◽  
Tomás Farchi

Social movement scholars and activists have recognized the difficulties of mobilizing people for the long haul, moving from the exuberance of the protest to the dull and ordinary work necessary to produce sustainable change. Drawing on ethnographic work in La Juanita, in Greater Buenos Aires, we look at local actions for and from the neighborhood in order to resist political domination, taken by people who have been unemployed for long periods of time. We identified concrete and local practices and interventions—which we call mundane and everyday politics – that are embedded in a territory and go beyond the typical practices of social movements and the expected infrapolitical activity in allowing the disfranchised to engage in the political process.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194084472096819
Author(s):  
Briana M. Bivens

In this article, I explore how post qualitative inquiry can connect with social movement organizing in the United States to expand the scope of what’s possible for thought, action, and justice. I briefly review social movement organizing’s alignment with emancipatory theories and gesture toward the promise and importance of a collaboration between liberation struggles and theories that critique humanist and modernist thought. Poststructuralism, in particular, enables an exploration of that which might be but is not-yet and a deconstructive ethic of unsettling normalized categories, offering generative heuristics for thinking about power and justice without falling into descriptions that essentialize and homogenize. Post qualitative inquiry offers a starting point for considering how social movements might operationalize poststructural theories and theories of the ontological turn. It encourages experimentation and the creation of different ways to think/act in the face of not knowing what else to do. I argue that features of post qualitative inquiry can be useful not just in conventional research settings but also in the community organizing settings from which social movements often emerge.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diah Ajeng Purwani ◽  
Partini Partini ◽  
Sri Peni Wastutiningsih

Social enterprise pada dasarnya merupakan organisasi sosial yang mempunyai misi berkelanjutan, dimana para sociopreneurs menjadikan masalah sosial sebagai peluang untuk membantu masyarakat sekitarnya. Di Yogyakarta, aktivitas social entrepreneurship menunjukkan peningkatan setiap tahunnya terutama di kalangan anak muda. Saat ini tren usaha di bidang sosial bukan lagi sebuah keterpaksaan, tetapi menjadi pilihan bagi para pelakunya. Penelitian ini menggunakan teknik deskriptif kualitatif dengan studi kasus tentang sociopreneurs. Penelitian dilakukan untuk mengkaji  dan menganalisis tantangan yang dihadapi sociopreneurs Yogyakarta sebagai mitra pembangunan di era communication 3.0.Social enterprise is primarily a social organization that has a sustainable mission, where the social problems make sociopreneurs as an opportunity to help the surrounding community. In Yogyakarta, a social entrepreneurship activity shows an increase every year, especially among the young. Current efforts in the social field are no longer because of forced but became an option for the perpetrators. This research was conducted to review and analyze the challenges facing sociopreneurs Yogyakarta as partners of development in the era of communication 3.0.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Meyer ◽  
Catherine Corrigall-Brown

Although social movements in the United States are staged by coalitions, the politics of movement coalitions and the internal and external factors that affect their formation, maintenance, and dissolution are understudied. Here, we use the 2002-2003 movement against the impending war in Iraq to refocus analytical attention and sharpen theory on social movement coalitions. We contend that external circumstances, or political opportunities, are critically important factors that affect the propensity of social movement organizations to cooperate in common cause. Further, we contend that cooperation among groups can best be seen as variable, rather than dichotomous, and argue that political context affects the extent of cooperation among cooperating groups. We examine the importance of political context through a comparison of the first and second Gulf Wars. The decision of social movement organizations to join a coalition is akin to the process whereby individuals join social movements, involving an assessment of costs, benefits, and identity. As the political context changes, the costs and benefits are assessed differently and, for this reason, actively engaged coalitions are difficult to sustain over a long period as circumstances change. By looking at the antiwar movement generally, and the Win Without War coalition in particular, we show that cooperation was born in the second Gulf War out of the political opportunities presented by the George W. Bush's administration. We conclude with a call for more research on social movements as coalitions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Cardoso

There is a considerable gap on how social movements that center around non/monogamies decide to organize and articulate their strategies, as well as how they manage their tensions with other activist groups and ideologies or even the State. In addition to this, the fact that much of the literature that circulates is written in English and in an Anglophone context, hampers the ability of researchers to come into contact with other experiences of non/monogamies. This article gives a situated account of the rise of the Portuguese polyamorous social movement and shows how interpersonal relationships fundamentally shape the way activism is performed, and how archives are also important in establishing the identity of activists and activist groups. Using data from the Portuguese polyamorous group PolyPortugal, and interviews with high-profile activists, I argue that the idea of a politics of relating (the politicized analysis of how we connect and perform a given ethics of connection) is a conceptually useful tool to think about the transformations of contemporary intimacies, but it is also fundamental to think about how activism is done by people and for people – people who relate to one another, who exist in tension.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Mezzadra ◽  
Verónica Gago

The article takes the debates surrounding the ‘politics of autonomy’ in Latin America as its point of departure and investigates the transformations of the political notion of autonomy against the background of developments that have characterized the so-called long decade of the new ‘progressive governments’ in the region. Moving beyond the alternative between ‘conflict’ and ‘cooptation’ that has shaped academic and political debates on the topic, the authors analyze the relations between ‘social movements’ and ‘progressive governments’ from the angle of the transformations of capitalism in Latin America and of emerging new forms of activism rooted within everyday life (particularly within ‘popular economies”). The article critically discusses such notions as neoliberalism and neo-extractivism in order to build an analytical framework within which to reconstruct the history of Latin American social movements since the early 2000s and to test the productivity and the limits of the very notion of ‘social movement’ in the present political conjuncture.


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