Mundane and Everyday Politics for and from the Neighborhood

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo D. Fernández ◽  
Ignasi Martí ◽  
Tomás Farchi

Social movement scholars and activists have recognized the difficulties of mobilizing people for the long haul, moving from the exuberance of the protest to the dull and ordinary work necessary to produce sustainable change. Drawing on ethnographic work in La Juanita, in Greater Buenos Aires, we look at local actions for and from the neighborhood in order to resist political domination, taken by people who have been unemployed for long periods of time. We identified concrete and local practices and interventions—which we call mundane and everyday politics – that are embedded in a territory and go beyond the typical practices of social movements and the expected infrapolitical activity in allowing the disfranchised to engage in the political process.

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-409
Author(s):  
SEYED AMIR NIAKOOEE

AbstractThe Second Khordad Movement was a democratic social movement in contemporary Iran. Investigation of this movement revealed two images, of flourish and of decline, as the movement was first generally successful until early 2000 and thereafter began to regress from the spring of that year onwards. The purpose of this article is to provide a comprehensive framework in which to examine the reasons behind the movement's failure and regression. To this end, the study utilizes the literature on social movements, especially the political process model, and attempts to explain the initial success and subsequent decline of the movement based on elements such as political opportunity, framing processes, mobilizing structures, and the repertoire of collective action.


Author(s):  
Waltraud Queiser Morales

Bolivia is in the process of consolidating 36 years of democracy amid important reforms and challenges. Despite a history of colonialism, racist oppression of the indigenous majority, and a national revolution and military reaction, the democratic transition to civilian rule and “pacted” electoral democracy among traditional political parties was established in 1982. The governments of pacted democracy failed to fully incorporate all of Bolivia’s citizens into the political process and imposed a severe neoliberal economic model that disproportionately disadvantaged the poor and indigenous. The constitutional popular participation reforms of 1994–1995 altered the party-dominated pacted democracy and opened up the political system to the unmediated and direct participation of indigenous organizations and popular social movements in local and national elections. Grassroots political mobilization and participation by previously marginalized and excluded indigenous groups and social movements, and the election of their candidates into office increased significantly. Indigenous and social movement protests erupted in the Cochabamba Water War in 2000 against the multinational Bechtel Corporation, and in the Gas War in 2003 against the export and exploitation of Bolivia’s natural gas. These mass demonstrations resulted in the turnover of five presidents in five years. The social and political agitation culminated in the game-changing, democratic election in December 2005 of Juan Evo Morales Ayma, as Bolivia’s first indigenous-heritage president. In office for 14 years, longer than all previous presidents, Morales and the Movement Toward Socialism party launched the “Refounding Revolution,” and passed the new Constitución Política del Estado (CPE), the progressive reform constitution that established a multicultural model of plurinational democracy. The Morales-MAS administration provided unprecedented continuity of governance and relative stability. However, amid charges of interference, relations deteriorated with the United States. And disputes erupted over regional and indigenous autonomy, and extractive economic development in the protected lands of native peoples, especially over the proposed road through the Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (Territorio Indígena Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure, TIPNIS). These conflicts pitted highlanders against lowlanders, and divided indigenous organizations and social movements, and the government’s coalition of supporters. Contested term limits for the presidency created another acute and ongoing challenge. President Morales’s determination to run for re-election in 2019, despite constitutional restrictions, further tested the process of change and the resilience of Bolivia’s indigenous and social movement-based democracy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002190962095488
Author(s):  
Abi Chamlagai

The purpose of this article is to compare Nepal’s two Tarai/Madhesh Movements using the political opportunity structure theory of social movements. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I launched by the Forum for Madheshi People’s Rights in 2007 became successful as Nepal became a federal state. Tarai/Madhesh Movement II launched by the United Democratic Madheshi Front of the Tarai/Madheshi parties and the Tharuhat Joint Struggle Committee of the Tharu organizations failed as political elites disagreed about the need to create two provinces in the Tarai/Madhesh. While Tarai/Madhesh Movement II confirms that a social movement is more likely to fail when political elites align against it, Tarai/Madhesh Movement II refutes the theoretical proposition. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I suggests that the sucess of a social movement is more likely despite the alignment of political elites against it if its central demand consistently sustains the support of its constituents.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-38
Author(s):  
Taru Salmenkari

Social movements use memories not only to inspire and mobilize movements but also to struggle for justice. Using memory tools, Taiwanese social movements have challenged official interpretations of history, pluralized subjects worth having their own history and democratized the process of demanding that certain memories should be preserved. They have used memory to fight for social justice and for Taiwanese traditions against modernization and globalization. Social movements have used various memory tool kits, depending on their causes, understandings of Taiwanese identity, current social struggles and access to the political process. Different memory tool kits have led social movements to interpret differently which injustices matter and which gaps in hegemonic narratives deserve their attention.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 63-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emin Alper

AbstractThe years between 1968 and 1971 in Turkey were unprecedented in terms of rising social protests instigated by students, workers, peasants, teachers and white-collar workers. However, these social movements have received very limited scholarly attention, and the existing literature is marred by many flaws. The scarce literature has mainly provided an economic determinist framework for understanding the massive mobilizations of the period, by stressing the worsening economic conditions of the masses. However, these explanations cannot be verified by data. This article tries to provide an alternative, mainly political explanation for the protest cycle of 1968-71, relying on the “political process” model of social movement studies. It suggests that the change in the power balance of organized groups in politics, which was spearheaded by a prolonged elite conflict between the Kemalist bureaucracy and the political elite of the center-right, provided significant opportunities to under-represented groups to organize and raise their voices.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 518-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Chironi ◽  
Federico Tomasello

In this interview, Antonio Negri first focuses on the possibility of defining the concept of ‘social movement’. By mobilizing a spectrum of references that goes from Carl Schmitt to the Weberian sociology of religion, he insists on the necessity, not to sociologically crystallize the concept, but, instead, to think about it in a historical manner. Social movements would then be attempts at activating ‘liberation processes’, which nowadays can only be thought of within the conditions of financial capitalism. Negri then proceeds to examine the relation between the concept of social movement and those of class and class struggle: he suggests a dynamic and relational interpretation of the Marxian concept of ‘living labour’ as a bridge between a class analysis of society and the study of social movements, movements which in the contemporary landscape are ready to take an ‘entrepreneurial’ connotation. The political and intellectual experience of Italian Workerism in the 1960s is then recalled as a fertile example of the application of this method of social analysis, but also as an exemplification of the principle of ‘unrepeatability’ of social movements. The author finally claims to be a ‘theorist of immaterial labour’ in order to then develop a radical critique of the idea of so-called ‘post-materialist’ movements and of the effects that such a notion has had on the sociology of social movements.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Thi Huyen Trang ◽  
Tran Thi Hoai

Based on the Vietnamese Government’s documents and the practice of societalization of education (SE) in Vietnam over the past years, the paper presents the main causes of the ineffectiveness of SE's policy and compares Vietnam’s SE with the basic characteristics of a general social movement. The paper concludes that there was a need of mobilizing social resources to promote the SE in the current context. Keywords Societalization of education, mobilization of social resources, social movement, primary resource References 1. J.S. Coleman , Social capital in the creation of human capital, American Journal of Sociology (Supplement) 94 (1988) S95–S120.2. B. Edwards, J.D. McCarthy Resource mobilization and social movements, in D.A. Snow, S.A. Soule and H. Kriesi (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, Blackwell Oxford (2004).3. B. Edwards, M. Kane Resource mobilization and social and political movements in Hein-Anton Van Der Heijden (Eds) Handbook of Political Citizenship and Social Movements, Edward Elgar Publishing Cheltenham and Northampton (2014).4. D.M. Cress, D.A. Snow, Mobilization at the margins: resources, benefactors, and the viability of homeless social movement organizations, American Sociological Review 61(6) (1996) 1089–109.5. D. McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1890–1970, University of Chicago Press. Chicago (1982).6. Nguyễn Văn Thắng Một số vấn đề quản trị trong huy động nguồn lực xã hội cho giáo dục và y tế. Tạp chí Kinh tế và Phát triển 218 (2015) 11-19.7. Ban Chấp hành Trung Ương Hội Khuyến học Việt Nam Báo cáo của Ban Chấp hành trung ương lần thứ 7, nhiệm kỳ IV (2011 – 2015) Hà Nội (2016).8. Đặng Ứng Vận, Nguyễn Thị Huyền Trang Thách thức và giải pháp đối với các trường đại học ngoài công lập Tạp chí Khoa học giáo dục 89 (2013) 16-20.9. Ban Chấp hành trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam khóa XI, Nghị quyết số 29-NQ/TW ngày 4/11/2013 Hội nghị Trung ương 8 khóa XI về đổi mới căn bản, toàn diện giáo dục và đào tạo, Hà Nội (2015)10. Xem Nghị quyết số 05/2005/NQ-CP ngày 18/04/2005 và Nghị định số 69/2008/NĐ-CP ngày 30/05/2008. Gần đây nhất ngày 16/6/2014 Chính phủ đã ban hành Nghị định số 59/2014/NĐ-CP sửa đổi, bổ sung một số điều của NĐ 69 và sau đó là Thông tư số 156/2014/TT-BTC ngày 23/10/2014 của Bộ Tài chính.11. xem ví dụ Luật GD đại học số 08/2012/QH13 do Quốc hội ban hành ngày 18/06/201212. xem ví dụ Quyết định 693/QĐ-TTg ngày 06/05/2013 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ về việc sửa đổi bổ sung một số nội dung của Danh mục chi tiết các loại hình, tiêu chí quy mô, tiêu chuẩn của các cơ sở thực hiện xã hội hóa trong lĩnh vực giáo dục và đào tạo, dạy nghề, y tế, văn hóa, thể thao, môi trường ban hành kèm theo Quyết định số 1466/QĐ-TTg ngày 10/10/2008 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ).


2019 ◽  
pp. 7-11
Author(s):  
L. S. Okuneva

The   article is  devoted  to  the  analysis of  such an  important trend  in the   development  of  the   political process  in  modern Brazil as  radicalization and polarization. These trends began to appear even  from  the  mass social movements of 2013, gradually gained strength, and became decisive in  the  series of  presidential elections in  2014 and 2018 and are now  the  main trend of  Brazilian  politics. The release  of  prison in  November 2019  and the  inclusion  in  the  political  live  of  the former president Luíz  Inácio Lula da Silva, the  largest leftist Brazilian politician, can give  a special impetus to political radicalization.


This book examines the relationship between social movements and democratization in Indonesia. Collectively, progressive social movements have played a critical role in ensuring that different groups of citizens can engage directly in—and benefit from—the political process in a way that was not possible under authoritarianism. However, their individual roles have been different, with some playing a decisive role in the destabilization of the regime and others serving as bell-weathers of the advancement, or otherwise, of Indonesia's democracy in the decades since. Equally important, democratization has affected social movements differently depending on the form taken by each movement during the New Order period. The book assesses the contribution that nine progressive social movements have made to the democratization of Indonesia since the late 1980s, and how, in turn, each of those movements has been influenced by democratization.


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