scholarly journals Globalization, the welfare state and right-wing populism in Western Europe

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Swank
2006 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-425
Author(s):  
Alpar Losonc

Recently Claus Offe has put the question that concerns the fate of the European model of social capitalism: Can the model of social capitalism survive the European integration in the context of certain contemporary tendencies? Offe has presupposed that the mentioned model is challenged by the processes of globalization and the integration of the post socialist countries into the European Union. The working hypothesis of the article is that there is an opportunity to provide a coherent answer to this question. The article consists of two parts. In the first part the author starts with the Polanyi's socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for the analyzing of the tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in the post socialist countries. The author argues that with the Polanyi's theory we are able to explicate the forms of the embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945 and the orientation of non-embedded neo-liberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. Despite the tendencies of the globalization projected by neo-liberalism, the central element of the social capitalism namely, the welfare state, remains with the dimensions of the continuity. In the next part the author points out that there is an asymmetrical structure between the Western-Europe and non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialization of capitalism. The neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of the transfer of ideal-type of capitalism is more strongly implemented in the countries of transition. In addition, the mentioned theoretical approach provides opportunities to explain the failures of implementing of neo-liberalism in the post socialist countries. On the basis of the endorsing of the socio-economic aspects we can address the issue pointed out by Offe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Kalm ◽  
Johannes Lindvall

This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882092349
Author(s):  
Juliana Chueri

The literature has pointed to a change in radical right-wing parties’ (RRWPs) position regarding the welfare state. Those parties have abandoned the neoliberal approach on distributive issues and have become defenders of social expenditure for deserving groups. Nevertheless, as RRWPs have joined with right-wing mainstream parties to form governments, their distributive policy position might cause conflict in a coalition. This study, therefore, addresses this puzzle by analysing the social policy outcomes of RRWPs’ government participation. The conclusion is that those parties contribute to the welfare state retrenchment. However, policies are not affected evenly. Expenditure that targets groups regarded as undeserving by the radical right is retrenched the most.


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (157) ◽  
pp. 577-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Kaindl

The success of right wing parties in Europe is closely linked to the lack of representation that went along with the neoliberal shift of the social democrats. Feelings of injustice going along with altering the trans-national mode of production, concepts of the welfare state and labour politics were taken into account by rightwing “critics” that fight globalization in fighting immigrants. The crisis and bail-out-politics enforced feelings of injustice but at the same time brought the state – and the unions – ‘back in’ e.g. in creating a ‘clash-for-clunkers’ project. That seems to have weakened right-wing parties in Germany and France presenting themselves as an authoritarian fordistic option, but at the same time strengthened racist campaigns in other countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Sri Suatmiati

<p>In Several states, social security for citizens is place to protect marginalized groups in order to maintain access to public services are rudimentary, such as services to meet the needs from the perspective of political economy known as basic need. Public welfare provision in the state system includes services in the areas of basic education, health and housing are cheap and good quality, if Necessary, free as in Western Europe is a cluster of countries are quite intense in terms of the welfare state principles. Free education and health is a major concern in Western Europe to get subsidies. The Data agency (BPS) said that the Indonesian population in 2010 income Rp.27,0 million a year. There are poor people Whose population is 80 percent of the population only contributes about 20 percent of GDP. There are the wealthy once or people who enter the category earn more than 30,000 dollars a year, but there are Also people with disabilities living income or $ 2 dollars per day (730 dollars a year), the which are still 100 million people. It means there is a huge gap. The words fair, equitable, wellbeing and prosperity was growing dimmer and the faint sound. This condition shows how there is no equity in income Because there is no strong will to realize the vision for the welfare of society. Impossible Anti-poverty program run properly if the governance of the state and society is not yet fully base on the welfare state system. Anti-poverty programs intertwine with the application of individual taxation that is progressive. If taxation without concept, poverty reduction strategy with the government has not gone According to the terms of the welfare state that is pro-poor.</p>


Author(s):  
Alexandra D'Urso

This chapter is a contribution to the literatures on hip hop and identity politics among two rappers of color in Scandinavia. Locating the artists’ pedagogical practices within global flows of resistance in hip hop culture, the concept of public pedagogy is employed for analyzing how these artists use hip hop as a medium for education and activism outside of formal educational institutions. The analysis focuses on counter-hegemonic representations of identity in the music of Adam Tensta and Eboi. The author argues that the two artists have situated themselves as public pedagogues and catalysts for social change and that they have confront right-wing populism and deconstruct Nordic notions of Otherness in their music In doing so, the artists provide nuanced counter-narratives that share insight into how global struggles for resources and neoliberal policies in the welfare state are brought to bear upon individuals living in the Nordic countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136754942098000
Author(s):  
Ov Cristian Norocel ◽  
Tuija Saresma ◽  
Tuuli Lähdesmäki ◽  
Maria Ruotsalainen

Finland and Sweden share the ideal of a Nordic welfare state, with gender equality as a central tenet. In both countries, right-wing populist parties have gained prominence in mainstream politics. Despite similar political agendas at the moment, these parties have different political histories, and different modes of expressing their anti-immigration pleas. In this comparative study, we examine how the distinction between ‘us’ and the ‘other’ is performed intersectionally in terms of gender, social class, ethnicity and ‘race’, and sexuality. For this purpose, we examine empirical material collected from the party newspapers of the Finns Party and the Sweden Democrats, because their content most closely reflects the ideological tenets of these parties. The chosen timeline stretches from 2007 until 2014 and entails the qualitative close reading of 16 issues of each newspaper. We evidence the dynamic between the intersectional analysis that fleshes out the reproduction of categories of difference, and the comparative analysis with its interest in temporal change and the resulting convergence between the two parties’ ideologies. We conclude that, although the Finns Party previously had a more pronounced anti-elitist rhetoric and resorted to class-based antagonism as a means to garner electoral support, it subsequently moved closer to the anti-immigration agenda around issues of protecting national identity and the welfare state that has characterised the political platform of the Sweden Democrats over the past decade. This temporal awareness allowed us to document the Sweden Democrats’ ideological consistency over the examined timeframe, emphasising the party’s quest to rebuild the (Swedish) ‘people’s home’ and to exclude the racialised Muslim ‘other’.


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