Latinos in the United States

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Stavans
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Latino Culture ◽  
Latino Americans ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Future Challenges ◽  
The U.S

As the largest and youngest minority group in the United States, the 60 million Latinos living in the U.S. represent the second-largest concentration of Hispanic people in the entire world, after Mexico. Needless to say, the population of Latinos in the U.S. is causing a shift, not only changing the demographic landscape of the country, but also impacting national culture, politics, and spoken language. While Latinos comprise a diverse minority group--with various religious beliefs, political ideologies, and social values--commentators on both sides of the political divide have lumped Latino Americans into a homogenous group that is often misunderstood. Latinos in the United States: What Everyone Need to Know® provides a comprehensive, multifaceted exploration of Latino American history and culture and the forces shaping this minority group in the U.S. From exploring the origins of the term "latino" and examining what constitutes Latin America, to tracing topical issues like DREAMers, the mass incarceration of Latino males, and the controversial relationship between Latin America and the United States, Ilan Stavans seeks to understand the complexities and unique position of Latino Americans. Throughout he breaks down the various subgroups within the Latino minority (Mexican-Americans, Dominican-Americans, Cuban-Americans, Puerto Ricans on the mainland, and so on), and the degree to which these groups constitute--or don’t--a homogenous community, their history, and where their future challenges lay. He sees Latino culture as undergoing dramatic changes as a result of acculturation--changes that are fostering a new "mestizo" identity that is part Hispanic and part American. However, Latinos living in the United States are also impacting American culture. As Ilan Stavans argues, no other minority group will have a more decisive impact on the future of the United States.

VII. Understanding Unions

1956 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-28
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
The United States ◽  
The U.S

Most managements in our own country assume that unions are a natural part of industrial life and seek to develop reasonably harmonious relations with them. In recent years, management has developed a good deal of skill along this line. In Latin America, most managements will be seeking a cooperative basis of relations with unions. The understanding of unions on the U.S. scene will provide some guidance, but management must also recognize that there are important differences between unions in Latin America and in the United States.

Introduction

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel Maurer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
West Africa ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Government ◽  
Foreign Investors ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

This introductory chapter discusses the shift from politicized confrontations like the imbroglio of 1900 to legalized disputes like the more orderly affair of 2007. It advances four basic findings. First, American government intervention on behalf of U.S. foreign investors was astoundingly successful at extracting compensation through the 1980s. Second, American domestic interests trumped strategic concerns again and again, for small economic gains relative to the U.S. economy and the potential strategic losses. Third, the United States proved unable to impose institutional reform in Latin America and West Africa even while American agents were in place. Finally, the technology that the U.S. government used to protect American property rights overseas changed radically over time.

Marinera with the Yankees

2018 ◽  
pp. 91-124
Author(s):  
Iñigo García-Bryce
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Asylum ◽  
Student Leader ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

This chapter explores Haya’s changing relationship with the United States. As an exiled student leader he denounced “Yankee imperialism” and alarmed observers in the U.S. State Department. Yet once he entered Peruvian politics, Haya understood the importance of cultivating U.S.-Latin American relations. While in hiding he maintained relations with U.S. intellectuals and politicians and sought U.S. support for his embattled party. His writings increasingly embraced democracy and he maneuvered to position APRA as an ally in the U.S. fight fascism during the 1930s and 40s, and then communism during the Cold War. The five years he spent in Lima’s Colombian embassy awaiting the resolution of his political asylum case, made him into an international symbol of the democratic fight against dictatorship. He would always remain a critic of U.S. support for dictatorships in Latin America.

Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish: A variationist analysis of copula variation and progressive expansion in a South Texas bilingual enclave community

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Phillip M. Carter ◽  
Tonya E. Wolford
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Quantitative Methods ◽  
Formal Education ◽  
The United States ◽  
South Texas ◽  
Grammatical Change ◽  
Bilingual Communities

Abstract This study investigates variation in the grammatical system of Spanish in the speech of three generations of Mexican Americans living in a community in South Texas, United States, characterized by high levels of bilingualism and long-term, sustained contact between languages. Two variables are studied using quantitative methods: (1) the extension of the copula verb estar into domains traditionally confined to ser and (2) the expansion of progressive forms at the expense of the simple present. The data reported here suggest changes-in-progress that appear to be accelerated by the linguistic and sociocultural conditions of the community including, especially, lack of access to formal education in Spanish. The sociolinguistic patterning for these variables is compared to patterning for the same variables reported in the literature in both monolingual communities in Spain and Latin America and bilingual communities in the United States.

Amy Spellacy on Guillermo Ibarra

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Home Country ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Perspectives ◽  
New Form ◽  
The Many ◽  
The U.S

This essay is a response to Guillermo Ibarra’s contribution to this book, Global Perspectives on the United States. It argues that Ibarra’s essay can usefully remind readers of the many ways the U.S. and Latin America are connected. While Ibarra highlights the transnational nature of U.S. cities and how Mexican immigrants in the U.S. remain tied to communities in their home country while simultaneously embracing largely positive views of the U.S., Spellacy wants to situate Ibarra’s project in relation to scholarly and artistic works that conceive of the Americas as a space joined by historical ties and the continued traffic of people, ideas, commodities, and culture across national borders. Spellacy asks how a hemispheric understanding of the Americas could help us comprehend the new form of citizenship embraced by Mexican immigrants considered in Ibarra’s essay, and she suggests that it might be fruitful to think across disciplinary divides and consider these questions in relation to scholars working on hemispheric cultural studies. For example, she asks, if citizenship is performed rather than taken for granted, is it not important to consider the role culture plays in this process?

Latino Millennials—The New Diverse Workforce: Challenges and Opportunities

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna Maria Blancero ◽  
Edwin Mouriño-Ruiz ◽  
Amado M. Padilla
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Linear Process ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
Aging Workforce ◽  
Diverse Workforce ◽  
The World ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
The U.S

There are a variety of trends that are enabling and forcing organizational change. A crucial trend that has implications for a changing and growing demographic workforce includes Millennials and in particular Latinos/Hispanics as the world and particularly the U.S. workplace continues to have an increased aging workforce. Yet, while Latinos are members of the largest and also the fastest growing minority group in the United States, they are disproportionately underrepresented in more highly compensated professional and leadership roles across corporate America. The majority of existing career development and acculturation literature in the United States has focused narrowly on Anglo-oriented acculturation as a linear process. Unfortunately, as society has evolved so has the form of prejudices and biases. This is supported by the fact that well more than 50% of Hispanics experience discrimination through a variety of means including micro-aggressions. We believe that developing and maintaining an overlapping and compatible bicultural identity might not be enough and that we need to rethink what acculturation and biculturalism means for millennials and broaden our thinking to include cosmopolitanism as more encompassing of the millennials and their place in the world. We believe this article begins the dialogue for more research into this growing part of the U.S. workforce along with practical implications and applications.

Atoms for Peace in Latin America

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gisela Mateos ◽  
Edna Suárez-Díaz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Industry ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
The U.S

On December 8, 1953, in the midst of increasing nuclear weapons testing and geopolitical polarization, United States President Dwight D. Eisenhower launched the Atoms for Peace initiative. More than a pacifist program, the initiative is nowadays seen as an essential piece in the U.S. defense strategy and foreign policy at the beginning of the Cold War. As such, it pursued several ambitious goals, and Latin America was an ideal target for most of them: to create political allies, to ease fears of the deadly atomic energy while fostering receptive attitudes towards nuclear technologies, to control and avoid development of nuclear weapons outside the United States and its allies, and to open or redirect markets for the new nuclear industry. The U.S. Department of State, through the Foreign Operations Administration, acted in concert with several domestic and foreign middle-range actors, including people at national nuclear commissions, universities, and industrial funds, to implement programs of regional technical assistance, education and training, and technological transfer. Latin American countries were classified according to their stage of nuclear development, with Brazil at the top and Argentina and Mexico belonging to the group of “countries worthy of attention.” Nuclear programs often intersected with development projects in other areas, such as agriculture and public health. Moreover, Eisenhower’s initiative required the recruitment of local actors, natural resources and infrastructures, governmental funding, and standardized (but localized techno-scientific) practices from Latin American countries. As Atoms for Peace took shape, it began to rely on newly created multilateral and regional agencies, such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) of the United Nations and the Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission (IANEC) of the Organization of American States (OAS). Nevertheless, as seen from Latin America, the implementation of atomic energy for peaceful purposes was reinterpreted in different ways in each country. This fact produced different outcomes, depending on the political, economic, and techno-scientific expectations and interventions of the actors involved. It provided, therefore, an opportunity to create local scientific elites and infrastructure. Finally, the peaceful uses of atomic energy allowed the countries in the region to develop national and international political discourses framing the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean signed in Tlatelolco, Mexico City, in 1967, which made Latin America the first atomic weapons–free populated zone in the world.

With a Little Help from my Friends

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (8) ◽  
pp. 971-999 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Victoria Murillo ◽  
Andrew Schrank
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The United States ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
Labor Laws ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

Why did Latin American governments adopt potentially costly, union-friendly labor reforms in the cost-sensitive 1980s and 1990s? The authors answer the question by exploring the relationship between trade unions and two of their most important allies: labor-backed parties at home and labor rights activists overseas. While labor-backed parties in Latin America have locked in the support of their core constituencies by adopting relatively union-friendly labor laws in an otherwise uncertain political and economic environment, labor rights activists in the United States have demonstrated their support for their Latin American allies by asking the U.S. government to treat the protection of labor rights as the price of access to the U.S. market. The former trajectory is the norm in traditionally labor-mobilizing polities, where industrialization encouraged the growth of labor-backed parties in the postwar era; the latter is more common in more labor-repressive environments, where vulnerable unions tend to look for allies overseas.

Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Gamonal C. Sergio ◽  
César F. Rosado Marzán
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Developing Countries ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Labor Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
The World ◽  
Developed World ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Better Than

This chapter, the book’s conclusion, summarizes the book’s main points and generally describes how the U.S. case illuminates the utility of Latin America and principled labor law for the rest of the world. It argues that, despite globalization, neoliberalism, labor law crises, and whatnot, many countries have deep traditions, legal and otherwise, that support protecting the weak and, as such, the protective principle and its correlative principles, primacy of reality, nonwaiver, and continuity. If the United States, one of the least labor-protective jurisdictions in the developed world, has the potential of having a labor-protective jurisprudence, other countries might do even better than the United States if they ascribe to principled labor law. In fact, the chapter briefly shows how the United Kingdom’s courts acknowledge primacy of reality (fact) and the protective principle in recent cases dealing with “gig” work. The conclusion also acknowledges that the book has been partial to state-enforced labor law, discussing little the importance of freedom of association. However, it asserts that freedom of association remains a necessary aspect for workers’ rights. As such, the book has provided a necessary but still incomplete toolbox for robust labor law. It concludes by underscoring the need for labor-protective jurisprudence in developed and developing countries alike, and the relevance of Latin America for at least part of that task.

Procedural (In)Justice as Inclusivity and Marginalization: Evidence from a Longitudinal Sample of Mexican-American Adolescents

2021 ◽  
pp. 002242782110039
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Thompson ◽  
Theodore Wilson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Procedural Justice ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Segmented Assimilation ◽  
Group Engagement

Objectives: Treatment by law enforcement officers, as representatives of the state that interact with individual citizens, may signal to individuals their political and social inclusion within society. Hispanics, as the largest minority group in the country that oftentimes must navigate two cultural identities, may be especially sensitive to the treatment of police. We test the group engagement model’s implication that procedural justice—or lack thereof—may promote or hinder attachment to the United States and/or Mexico among Latino/a adolescents and young adults. Methods: Using a fixed effects panel design with a subsample of Mexican Americans from the Pathways to Desistance Study, we examine whether changes in subjective procedural justice evaluations of the police are related to changes in National identification. Results: Changes in procedural justice perceptions are significantly related to changes in Mexican identification, whereas procedural justice is not related to changes in Anglo identification. Although, consistent with segmented assimilation theory, the relationships between changes in procedural justice and Mexican/Anglo identification may be stronger among participants born in the United States. Conclusions: The findings are generally consistent with the group engagement model of procedural justice and suggest procedural injustice may alienate Hispanics.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document