Japan plays catch-up in Central Asia

Subject Japan-Central Asia ties. Significance Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will make a five-nation tour of Central Asia in August -- the first since Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's in 2006. With the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union in effect as of January 1 and China fleshing out its plans for a 'New Silk Road Economic Belt', Japan presents itself as a 'third option' that could dilute China's and Russia's predominance. Impacts Opportunities for Japanese investment will grow, especially in the field of nuclear energy. Security ties could grow under the Abe government's defence reforms, 'proactive pacificism' and new interest in counter-terrorism. South Korea presents itself as another 'third option' and other countries are becoming more active too, even as the US presence recedes.

Subject Tajikistan's options for joining Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union. Significance Russia hopes that the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which came into force on January 1, will include Tajikistan. The EEU currently comprises Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Armenia, with Kyrgyzstan set to join in May. Moscow is eager to pursue expansion of the EEU as its relations with the West deteriorate as a result of the Ukraine crisis. Russia is also believed to be seeking to put a check on China, whose 'silk road economic belt' will see billions of dollars invested in Central Asia. However, the economic benefits of EEU membership for Tajikistan are debatable and could put at risk its increasingly important relationship with China. Impacts EEU membership risks continuing a trend of significant numbers of Tajikistanis being dependent on working in Russia. EEU success will depend on the extent to which Russia is able to act as a destination for merchandise exports. As Russia's economy slows, the prospect of hundreds of thousands of Tajikistani workers returning home will rise, as will instability risk.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Gaziza Shakhanova ◽  
Jeremy Garlick

The Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a key partner in China’s Belt, and Road Initiative (BRI), since it comprises the majority of territories which the BRI’s overland route, the Silk Road Economic Belt, needs to traverse as it crosses Central Asia on the way to Europe. The goal of this article is to explore the BRI in the context of BRI–EAEU coordination. The first part of the analysis focusses on the ways the Eurasian Economic Commission delineates the “Greater Eurasian Partnership” and counterposes it against China and the BRI. Then, the article compares two sets of interpretations of the BRI and “Greater Eurasian Partnership” obtained from interviews with elites in Kazakhstan and Russia. The interviews indicate that the BRI has had a much more forceful impact on local elites than Russia’s idea of “Greater Eurasian Partnership.”


Subject Prospects for Russia/CIS in the third quarter. Significance The third quarter could see a significant worsening of Russia's ties with the West. With the Donbas crisis threatening to erupt into open war as in 2014 and early 2015, the Minsk 2.0 process is strained to breaking-point. Recent months have seen the gradual deterioration of the February peace plan, with heavier skirmishing culminating in the recent battle for Maryinka. In Ukraine, the economic situation remains a major problem. In Central Asia, regional economies are suffering from Russia's slowdown, as some strengthen their integration with Russia as part of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).


Significance Officials in Kyrgyzstan have complained that the Moscow-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) has created problems instead of improving trade and investment prospects. Russia's recession has led to reduced inward investment and migrant remittances for Kyrgyzstan. In the new government appointed in April, the only major change was the prime minister. Impacts The government will attempt to revive economic ties trade with China since the EEU has proved to be no substitute. China may offer new loans as Russia can no longer afford 'political' assistance. The problems Kyrgyzstan has encountered with EEU accession may deter would-be member Tajikistan.


Subject Improvements in Kazakh-Uzbek relations. Significance Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan are the key Central Asian states and the dynamics of their relationship have implications for all their neighbours. Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev's visit to Tashkent on September 16 was hailed as the start of a new era in a sometimes troubled relationship. The change in mood was initiated by Shavqat Mirzioyev, Uzbekistan's president since December 2016. Impacts Uzbekistan is unlikely to reverse its stance on the Eurasian Economic Union, which it is reluctant to join. Kazakh-Uzbek cooperation is likely to include counter-terrorism and other security measures. A better bilateral relationship will facilitate China's Belt and Road initiative in Central Asia.


Significance This is visible now as pledges of better ties with Washington coexist with talk of joining the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) -- yet it is China that is the main source of much-needed finance to mitigate COVID-19 impacts. Impacts A recent flurry of regional initiatives reveal a lack of focus (as with the Turkic Council) or poor timing (the EEU). Tashkent will take a wait-and-see view of the EEU as neither observer status nor full membership offers great benefits. Uzbekistan's pivot to Afghanistan aligns with both the US and Chinese strategies.


Subject Relations between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Significance Tajik President Emomali Rahmon's August 17 visit to Uzbekistan sealed the change in direction in relations between the two neighbouring states that began in 2016. The rapprochement is a major success for Uzbek President Shavqat Mirzioyev in his drive to make his country a central player in Central Asia rather than the other states' most difficult neighbour. Impacts Improved Uzbek-Tajik transit opportunities will help China's Belt and Road project. Increasing bilateral economic ties will strengthen the case for both countries to stay out of the Eurasian Economic Union. Mirzioyev will use regional ties to establish Uzbekistan as a leading player in the fight against Islamic militancy.


Subject Possible Uzbek membership of the Eurasian Economic Union. Significance Uzbekistan has long distanced itself from Russian-led post-Soviet blocs, but it is now considering whether to join the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Its accession would bring another large economy into the EEU, which was originally conceived with Ukraine as a member and has suffered from its absence. The current heavyweight members are Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus; Armenia and Kyrgyzstan have small, weak economies. Impacts EEU membership would give Uzbekistan's economy a major boost with reduced-tariff regimes for its exports. Belarus would welcome the entry of another counterweight to Russian dominance. Western investment in Uzbekistan will be further dwarfed by China and Russia. Russia-China rivalry in Central Asia will be secondary to their common interest in limiting US influence.


Author(s):  
A. Polivach

This article reviews usage of Russian and Chinese currencies in the economies of the five Central Asia countries (CA5) – for trade payments, intergovernmental and commercial loans and also in the official foreign exchange reserves. Information on these matters, unfortunately, is non-regular and very fragmented. However, based on the analysis of available data the author makes the following conclusions. Both the Renminbi and the Rouble are used in the CA5 economies in small scale, while the US Dollar absolutely dominates. Currently the Rouble is more popular than the Renminbi. It is especially visible in those countries, which are the members of the Eurasian Economic Union. Most likely relationship between the US Dollar, the Rouble and the Renminbi in the CA5 economies will not significantly change in the near future. However the usage of the Renminbi may substantially increase, if China removes all restrictions for trans-border capital movements. Also the usage of the Rouble may significantly increase, if Russia takes actions transforming its currency into a regional reserve currency.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Lukin

The author argues that Russian–Chinese rapprochement is a fundamental feature of the current changing system of international relations. Apart from its own significance, it has become important because it stimulated and, in some cases, laid the foundation for many broader international processes: the creation of the multipolar world, the emergence of such international groups and organisations as BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the coordination between Eurasian Economic Union and the Chinese initiative of Silk Road Economic Belt and others. Recently, all these processes led to the idea of Greater Eurasia or Eurasian partnership.


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