Jihad, Extremism and Radicalization in Pakistan

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to fill current information cavities in the present material on the determinants of radicalization. The radicalization has badly affected good governance. Education, health, socio-economic and political system are major components of good governance. This research paper examines the emerging trends of Jihad, Extremism and Radicalization in Pakistan. Design/Methodology/Approach: A survey was conducted a total of 4200 respondents across the country. There was no response from 200 persons and received the response of 4000 respondents, with 2800 people (70 percent) urban and 1200 respondents (30 percent) from rural area. The figure of respondents from each of the four provinces of Pakistan (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab, Balochistan, and Sindh, ), Gilgit Baltistan, and Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK),entities reveals the percentage of population of each area vis-à-vis the total population of the country. Findings: The results revealed that the causes of radicalization and extremism are as varied as they are abundant. The study of radicalization, Jihad and extremism in both contexts has sought to find out the causes of radicalization. It is concluded that the root causes of the Islamic militancy and religious radicalization in Pakistan are generally religious, political, ideological, economic, and social in nature. Implications/Originality/Value: This research paper gives a comprehensive viewpoint and analysis amongst religion, radicalization, governance, extremism, politics, Islamic militancy, sectarianism, conflict and identity. The major root causes of militancy and radicalization were traced out which will be helpful to overcome Islamic militancy, extremism, radicalization and sectarianism in Pakistan.

El proceso de radicalización yihadista de mujeres en España

La radicalización violenta es un fenómeno complejo que debe ser explicado a través de un enfoque multidisciplinar. El objetivo de este artículo es explicar cómo y por qué se ha producido la radicalización violenta de 22 mujeres en España tras la irrupción de Daesh en el panorama internacional. Para logarlo, el estudio analiza los factores sociopolíticos que conducen a un individuo a abrazar la militancia islámica a través de tres niveles: macro, micro y meso. La investigación se sustenta en entrevistas a mujeres que han sido detenidas por integración en dicha organización terrorista, así como en un sumario y resoluciones de la Audiencia Nacional.Violent radicalization is a complex phenomenon that must be explained through a multidisciplinary approach. The aim of this article is to explain how 22 women in Spain became radicalised. To achieve this, the study analyses the socio-political factors that lead an individual to get involved with the Islamic militancy through three levels: macro, micro and meso. The research is supported by interviews with females in Spain who were convicted of terrorist offences and experts in the field; by judgement and indictments ordered by the Audiencia Nacional.

CPEC: A win-win for China and Pakistan

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is believed to be Beijing’s most ambitious project so far. Two types of apprehensions are often voiced to support this claim. First, it is widely argued that despite enjoying enduring strategic partnership for over five decades, Pakistan and China don’t match economically. The Chinese will get weary of the many challenges coming with the corrupt, inefficient and globally isolated Pakistan, seriously undermining the conclusion of the Chinese mammoth investment in CPEC Secondly, Pakistan’s prevailing environment of insecurity which is rife with Islamic militancy and domestic insurgency is thought to be posing serious threats to the construction of the corridor. This paper aims to explain why, despite possible concerns, the China Pakistan economic corridor will succeed.

American Datu

This book highlights a seminal but largely overlooked period in the development of American counterinsurgency strategy. It examines how Progressive counterinsurgency ideas and methods evolved between 1899 and 1913 as Americans fought Philippine Moros in their first sustained military encounter with Islamic militants. It then compares those ideas and methods with current theory on COIN (counterinsurgency) as set forth in The U.S. Army * Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual. The author also explores how Moros contested American military intervention in their lives. He asks: How did they bend the narrative? How did Progressive counterinsurgency in Mindanao and Sulu come to have a Moro face? Finally, this work focuses on how John J. Pershing, during his seven years of service among Moros, contributed to Progressive counterinsurgency strategy. How did his approach compare with Gen. Leonard Wood’s radically different ideas on pacification? In the most creative years of Pershing’s life, how did he pull together lessons learned from his Philippine experience to craft a relatively balanced and full-spectrum approach to fighting small wars? What can we take from his experience and apply to America’s fraught relationship with Islamic militancy today?

On the Origins of Hezbollah

The groups from which Hezbollah's first members emerged are more varied than is generally asserted. Their interconnecting points and decision centers are embodied in persons other than the actors cited in the official versions. Hezbollah's appearance in the early 1980s was in fact the result of the merging of two militant Islamic networks that had developed in different regions of the country. In Beirut, they were quietist; their effort consisted essentially of setting in motion a religious renewal of society, focused on current events in the Lebanese—but also the national or global—world of the Shiite clerics. In the Bekaa, the action already consisted of mobilization favoring armed resistance, with reliance at all times on Islamic values. It follows that these two types of Shiite Islamic militancy, one cultural, the other inspiring resistance, would react in different ways to the events that shook Lebanon during the transitions of the 1970s and 1980s.

Religion and Politics in Contemporary Africa

This entry examines the relationship of religion and politics in Africa in the context of Democratization over time, with particular focus on the roles of religious leaders. Two main issues form its focus. The first is the relationship of senior religious figures to the state in Africa and the role of the former in the region’s recent attempts to democratize in the 1980s and 1990s. The second aim is to examine a more recent development: Islamic militancy in Africa in the 2000s, and its relationship with politics, political change, and democratization. During the 1980s and 1990s Africa experienced something it had not seen for decades: widespread popular calls for democratization, part of a wider package of demands for improved economic and political, including human, rights. Demands for democratization had both domestic and external roots. Domestically, demands for reform reflected an awakening—or reawakening—of an often long dormant political voice for various civil society groups, with trade union officials, higher education students, businesspeople, civil servants, and religious (mostly Christian) figures initially leading and coordinating popular demands for reform. Professional politicians later made such demands integral parts of their programs for election. The widespread expectation was that popular efforts would force long-entrenched, often venal governments from office. A second factor was that Africa’s democratization was the ‘road map’ for political change preferred by key external actors: Western governments who provided Africa with the bulk of its foreign aid. In sum, demands for democratization in Africa in the 1980s and 1990s are best explained through the interaction of domestic and international factors, with the former of most importance. During the 1980s and 1990s, religious figures, notably Christian leaders, added their voices to the clamor for fundamental political changes in Africa. Leading Catholics were frequently involved in national conferences on the political way forward in a number of French-speaking, mainly Christian, countries, including Congo-Brazzaville, Togo, Gabon, Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo), and Chad. In addition, in South Africa, apartheid rule came to an end in 1994 and a democratically elected government followed. And in Muslim-majority Niger and Mali new political leaders and democratically elected governments emerged. In sum, during the 1980s and 1990s involvement of religious leaders, including Catholic leaders in national democracy conferences and other means of democratization, reflected the fact that many religious figures became convinced of the need for democratically elected government in Africa.

Indonesia

With Indonesia, the Chinese are doubly vulnerable. Racial and religious prejudice against Indonesians of Chinese descent threatens both government and private business deals. At the same time, Jakarta is determined to project maritime power and to lead the creation of a broader Pacific community—ambitions that openly contradict China’s desire for preeminence in East Asia. Indonesian politicians can use the threat of Islamic militancy to great advantage, seeming to restrain it when Beijing is pliable and quietly encouraging it when China becomes overbearing. President Joko Widodo skillfully challenges China on maritime disputes while enlisting its economic support to fend off hard-line Muslims and nationalists. But in the capital city of Jakarta, the incumbent governor—a Chinese Indonesian—was ousted by an openly racist campaign that many mainstream Muslim leaders failed to denounce.

Water may unite or divide Uzbekistan and Tajikistan

Subject Relations between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Significance Tajik President Emomali Rahmon's August 17 visit to Uzbekistan sealed the change in direction in relations between the two neighbouring states that began in 2016. The rapprochement is a major success for Uzbek President Shavqat Mirzioyev in his drive to make his country a central player in Central Asia rather than the other states' most difficult neighbour. Impacts Improved Uzbek-Tajik transit opportunities will help China's Belt and Road project. Increasing bilateral economic ties will strengthen the case for both countries to stay out of the Eurasian Economic Union. Mirzioyev will use regional ties to establish Uzbekistan as a leading player in the fight against Islamic militancy.