ASEAN summits will test bloc unity afresh

Significance The ASEAN Summits will attempt to maintain momentum for greater integration, particularly on the new 2025 ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) blueprint. The EAS will focus on regional tensions on the Korean peninsula and in the South China Sea, and see the first visit of a serving US president to Laos. Impacts Russia will strengthen ties with South-east Asia and ASEAN, but avoid entanglement in maritime disputes. ASEAN could lose international traction in 2017: Duterte is still developing foreign policy experience. Regional economic issues will be considered outside South-east Asia this year also in Peru at the November APEC summit.

Subject Prospects for South-east Asia in 2019. Significance The early part of next year will feature important elections in some of South-east Asia's major economies. Meanwhile, financial volatility and a trade downturn pose risks to ASEAN economies. ASEAN under Thailand’s chairmanship will aim to advance the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and a Code of Conduct (CoC) for the South China Sea.


Subject Outlook for ASEAN's institutional development. Significance Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has formally accepted ASEAN's chairmanship for 2017. ASEAN has met some success in 2015-16, including launching the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). However, most recently, it has been challenged by the fallout from the July 12 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNLCOS) ruling against China over the South China Sea, which has exposed internal and organisational weaknesses. Impacts Member states' bureaucracies and central banks will define the ASEAN integration dynamic. Individual South-east Asian states rather than ASEAN will drive trade and security initiatives. Progress on closing intra-ASEAN economic development and governance gaps will be slow.


Significance The two sides have resumed CoC talks after a pandemic-induced hiatus. Meanwhile, Chinese-US rivalry in South-east Asia is escalating, as demonstrated by recent high-profile naval exercises in the South China Sea. Impacts ASEAN’s South China Sea claimants will resist any pressure from Beijing to compromise their claims in return for Chinese COVID-19 vaccines. South China Sea tensions will not impede commercial maritime traffic in the region. Any US-Chinese military confrontation in the Taiwan Strait would have considerable political fallout in South-east Asia.


Subject South-east Asia's relations with Russia. Significance Russia’s ties with the West are deteriorating. South-east Asia offers Moscow important diplomatic and economic opportunities. Impacts As Russia-China strategic alignment strengthens, Moscow and Beijing will increase coordination and cooperation in South-east Asia. Advanced Russian defence technology will further strengthen Beijing against South-east Asian claimants in the South China Sea dispute. Washington will try to encourage South-east Asian countries to buy US rather than Russian weapons.


Significance This year's summits, which conclude on November 22, will have particular resonance following soon after the November 13 coordinated massacres in Paris, claimed by Islamic State group (ISG). Impacts Despite rising pressure on China, a deal on a South China Sea Code of Conduct remains distant. A Paris-style 'mass marauder' attack could occur in South-east Asia. ASEAN states will probably use the Defence Ministers' Meeting to expand anti-ISG intelligence-sharing and defence collaboration.


Significance The announcement came days after an international ruling under the UN Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS) dismissing China's maritime claims and island-building in the South China Sea -- a ruling that Beijing has rejected. This will affect an aspect of China-South-east Asia relations that has gone under-noticed amid the maritime controversies: security and defence cooperation. Impacts Despite growing Chinese interest, Thailand will still seek security ties with Washington. As a beneficiary of competing Chinese and US diplomacy, Myanmar will try to balance the two powers' advances. The further China pushes defence interests and ties in ASEAN, the harder ASEAN will find reaching common security positions. South-east Asian countries will stay ready for maritime skirmishes; they will need Western military and technological support.


Significance The CoC would codify principles and processes to guide states’ activities and control incidents in the contested sea. The framework’s adoption at the ministerial level is a small but concrete step towards realising a CoC first envisaged in 2002 and under discussion since 2013. Impacts China will stall Framework talks if it detects US influence on ASEAN’s position, for instance if they insist on a legally binding CoC. Negotiating a CoC could help Beijing make Washington's involvement in South China Sea issues seem unnecessary. This could be exacerbated if US President Donald Trump’s administration decides to focus on East Asia over South-east Asia. South China Sea energy resource exploration will be a likely source of friction that could threaten China-ASEAN talks.


Subject US Coast Guard's aims in South-east Asia. Significance As part of US President Donald Trump’s push for full-spectrum competition with China, the US Coast Guard (USCG) has been tasked with a more active role in the western Pacific. The United States promotes ‘freedom of navigation’ in the South China Sea, waters in which there are conflicting claims between China, Taiwan and several South-east Asian countries. Impacts China’s ability to coerce South-east Asian claimants in the South China Sea will grow as its navy and coast guard deploy more vessels there. As ASEAN’s chair for 2020, Vietnam will try to push back against Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea while maintaining ASEAN unity. Negotiations next year between ASEAN and China for a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea in will be impeded by contentious issues.


1969 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 91-94
Author(s):  
Michael B.W. Fyhn ◽  
Henrik I. Petersen ◽  
Anders Mathiesen ◽  
Lars H. Nielsen ◽  
Stig A.S. Pedersen ◽  
...  

A number of sedimentary basins of various ages are located onand offshore Vietnam (Fig. 1). Some of them have significant petroleum resources and have thus attracted interest from industry and academia (Rangin et al. 1995; Matthews et al. 1997; Lee & Watkins 1998; Lee et al. 2001). Moreover, Vietnam is located in a position central to the understanding of the geological development of South-East Asia (Hall & Morley 2004). The structural style and the stratigraphy of the Vietnamese basins thus provide a valuable record about the development of South-East Asia throughout the Phanerozoic and the subsequent Eocene as well as younger deformation associated with the collision and indentation of India into Eurasia and the opening of the South China Sea (Fyhn et al. 2009a, 2010a).


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Arfin Sudirman

The South China Sea conflict has been a highly sensitive issue for the last 5 years in ASEAN. China and the US have been using the South China Sea as the New Cold War Arena of power and military hegemonic competition in the South East Asia region. This has been a major challenge for ASEAN as the only regional organization in the South East Asia region that has direct in the area must take major role in managing and resolving the dispute peacefully even though ASEAN has no defense pact like NATO. This paper argues that ASEAN, at this moment, must maintain its role as a mediator and independent-negotiator in the region but at the same time apply its principle of gradually adapting with the new international system. This article also suggests that in the future, ASEAN can take a major role in the governance of the South China Sea and the South East Asia region.


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