If the State Has a Blind Spot, It Also Turns a Blind Eye (Vasanthakumar)*: An Analysis of the Unaddressed and Unintended Consequences of Privatising Migration Control†

Author(s):  
Mariam Tapponi
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Arlinda Rrustemi

Abstract This article uncovers the nexus between the state- and peacebuilding efforts and religious violent extremism. Exploring an exemplary lifestory interview with a directly affected individual, the article makes use of empirical data to inform the current theoretical debates on the subject. The article shows how the inefficient state and peace building efforts unintendedly lead to a rise in religious violent extremism. These errors from the international community in Kosovo became a source of religious violent extremism in the case of Kosovo, as the exemplary lifestory shows.


Author(s):  
I. V. Karpova ◽  
K. A. Karpov

The paper is aimed at studying the features of the migration legislation of Japan and the study of the legal status of the immigration bureau of this state. Japan is a country that has passed a special path of historical development. In many ways, this specificity was due to the state policy of isolationism. The existing cultural traditions largely determine the attitude of the Japanese government to immigration. The paper studies the history of the formation of migration control authorities of the state in question, the peculiarities of the legal status of the Immigration Bureau of the Ministry of Justice of Japan and its structure, analyzes the powers of the Immigration Bureau employees. The paper also provides information on the size of the Immigration Bureau and state funding of the activities of this body.


2019 ◽  
Vol 121 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Denisa Gándara ◽  
James C. Hearn

Background College-completion policies dominate state higher education policy agendas. Yet we know little about how policy actors make decisions—and what sources of evidence they use—within this policy domain. Focus of Study This study explores the use of evidence in college-completion policymaking in depth, focusing on Texas. In addition to exploring policymakers’ use of different types of information, this study examines the role played by intermediaries. Research Design We employed a qualitative case study design drawing on interviews with 32 policy actors engaged in college-completion policy in Texas. Our analysis consisted of both deductive coding (based on our a priori coding scheme) and inductive coding (based on emerging themes) to arrive at our four major findings. Findings/Results The analysis revealed four primary findings. The first theme suggests an insular culture of college-completion policymaking: Policymakers at various levels preferred Texas-based data and rejected the notion that external groups contributed to setting the college completion agenda in Texas. Second, business groups and a business ethos permeated college-completion policymaking in Texas. Third, research evidence was seldom employed in this policy process, partly because policymakers prefer concise and timely information. Finally, the study uncovered a new tactic for supplying research employed by certain intermediaries: punchy messaging, which was effective at garnering attention but also yielded unintended consequences. Conclusions/Recommendations Overwhelmingly, higher education policy actors tended to prefer Texas-based data. Respondents cited three major reasons for this preference: the high quality of the state higher education coordinating board's data, Texas's unique demographics, and the accessibility of statewide data. These findings reflect the mediating role that is played not only by state structural characteristics, but also by culture. Perceptions of Texas's distinctive inward-looking nature permeated our interviews and set the stage for the role that intermediaries played in the state and the preferences for information. Intermediaries wishing to inform college-completion policy activity at the state level should consider the uniqueness of the state context in supplying information. For states that are more insular, like Texas, working through internal (in-state) intermediaries may be an effective strategy. In light of our findings of preferred types of information, those intending to influence policymaking should consider making information—especially research evidence—concise and easily accessible and establish relationships with policymakers and their staff members.


Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti

This chapter explores Thaksin Shinawatra’s plan to bring the informal and illicit economy under his government’s control as an attempt to cut off from its profit state officials who used authority (amnāt) to exert influence (itthiphon). Aware that elected governments historically faced significant opposition and resistance from bureaucratic and military forces, Thaksin wanted to take away their financial resources. This, he hoped, would be a first step toward bringing them under his control and establishing his domination over the state. Much like the plans to restructure Bangkok, however, Thaksin’s vision encountered significant resistance, both on the streets and inside the corridors of state offices. His policies triggered a series of processes with spillover effects and unintended consequences. At the street level, the formalization of motorcycle taxis ended up pushing these atomized driver-entrepreneurs to mobilize into a significant collective force, one that initially unified to criticize Thaksin and question his leadership. In the halls of power, Thaksin’s attempt to bring other state forces under his control ended up unifying them in opposition to him, sowing the seeds of his demise. This chapter reconstructs both dynamics—the struggle that ensued during Thaksin’s time in office and the shifting alliances that they generated.


Author(s):  
Helen Thompson

This chapter considers the Thatcher governments’ economic policy in comparative perspective both in relation to their UK predecessors and successors and other large-economy states. It argues that the Thatcher governments presided over significant change to the structure of the UK economy, some of it through deliberate policy intent and some as the unintended consequences of their policy actions. It also shows that, seen as a whole, the Thatcher governments left little legacy at the level of policy framework. They were unable to reduce the fiscal size of the state and New Labour pushed policy in a different direction. On the monetary side, the Thatcher governments grappled with the same problems of inflation and sterling and as policy became ever less coherent, set up the ERM disaster, the response to which by its successors has set the parameters of UK policy since.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Freire

Although widely seen as unruly and predatory, prison gangs operate as quasi-governments in many American correctional facilities. Inmate groups enforce property rights, regulate illicit markets, and promote cooperation when the state is unable or unwilling to act. Prison gangs are relatively new to the United States, and are best understood as unintended consequences of recent shifts in inmate demographics and the gradual erosion of the convict code. The impact of prison gangs on street-level criminal activities and directions for further research are also discussed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 187-211
Author(s):  
Susana Borrás ◽  
Charles Edquist

Financing innovation processes is one of the crucial activities for developing commercially successful products and processes (innovations) and to facilitate their diffusion in the innovation system. This chapter addresses the rationales for public intervention, i.e. in which situations policy should be pursued in the field of financing. The chapter identifies a number of policy instruments for financing innovations that are available by the state, and which public agencies use for funding early-stage innovation. The chapter also describes the provision of risk capital by the Swedish state. This case describes a situation where unintended consequences of the policy pursued in Sweden led to the non-fulfilment of the additionality condition. We also describe how this mistake has begun to be resolved after discussions in the Swedish National Innovation Council. The chapter concludes with a number of important issues with regard to public financing of innovations.


2000 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 1017-1040 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Gregory ◽  
Aleksei Tikhonov

We use the Soviet state and party archives to study the creation of the Soviet financial system. Although its framers intended to centralize all emission and monitoring of money and credit, in practice the system was characterized by informal mechanisms involving multiple players, soft budget constraints, and massive moral hazards. Enterprises issued “illegal” commercial credits and surrogate monies, causing liquidity growth to far outpace real economic activity. When confronted with the choice of solvency versus plan fulfillment, firms always chose the latter: credit risks were passed on to solvent enterprises, the state bank, and the state budget.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 860-877
Author(s):  
Kalika Mehta ◽  
Avantika Tiwari

AbstractThe aftermath of protests triggered by a brutal gang-rape in New Delhi in December 2012 was archetypal of the broader women’s movement in post-independence India. The primary demands of the social movement to address sexual violence against women were wrapped in the language of rights-based reforms in criminal law provisions. The state responded to the social mobilization in the form of criminal law amendments, while blindsiding key recommendations from feminist groups. This Article revisits pertinent Law Commission reports, subsequent criminal law reforms, and case law on sexual violence against women to analyze how the negotiations between the women’s movement and the State on the seemingly irreconcilable demands of sexual autonomy and punishment for sexual violence. We take account of the intended and unintended consequences of this reliance on criminal law as one of the primary tools in the arsenal of Indian women’s movements. We argue that engagement on the plane of criminal law to address sexual violence against women is a case of limited imagination at best and counter-productive at its worst. This approach of the movement and feminist groups is to react to the “crime” of sexual violence after the fact, leading to distraction from much warranted structural responses. We argue that this approach makes it harder to conceptualize and implement more forward-looking relational models of responsibility that are necessary to address the structural injustice of systemic sexual violence against women.


Author(s):  
Daniel R. Hammond

This chapter first highlights the problems faced by both central and local government in shaping dibao into the programme it was intended to be after the initial national roll out in 1997. The discussion focuses on three unintended outcomes which attracted the most from policy actors: exclusion; resource dependencies; and variation. This is then followed by two discussions related to how the features of fragmented authoritarianism contributed to the outcomes discussed. The first discussion argues that fragmented authoritarianism, especially the structure of the state and decision making, contributed to the emergence of what I identify as unintended consequences. I will argue that the MCA struck a compromise with local government in the 1990s achieving implementation of dibao systems by allowing local variation. The second discussion argues that the MCA played a game where policy goals sought by Premier Zhu Rongji, primarily the moving of xiagang workers to dibao, were used to also resolve some of the unintended consequences which had emerged post-1999. This shows that while the assumptions of fragmented authoritarianism hold, especially the importance of resource allocation and hierarchical authority, policy actors lower down the hierarchy cannot use these circumstances to achieve their own goals.


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