Book Reviews: The Press, Politics and the Public, The Press: A Case for Commitment, Government and Nationalism in Scotland, Scottish Nationalism, Constitutional Bureaucracy, Statesmen in Disguise: The Changing Role of the Administrative Class of the British Home Civil Service 1853–1966, Politicians and the Slump: The Labour Government of 1929–1931, Socialism and Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice in Britain to 1931, Idealism, Politics and History; Sources of Hegelian Thought, Four Essays on Liberty, An Interpretation of the Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, The State in Capitalist Society, The Origins of British Sociology: 1834–1914, Victorian Minds, Scritti Politici, The Process of Politics: A Comparative Approach, Small Group Methods and the Study of Politics, Aggregate Data Analysis: Political and Social Indicators in Cross-National Research, Modern European Governments, The Foreign Policies of the Powers, The Making of United States Foreign Policy, The Making of British Foreign Policy, Soviet Foreign Policy, Alliances and American Foreign Policy, Parliament, Parties and Society in France 1946–1958, Affluence and the French Worker in the Fourth Republic, The History of Germany since 1789, The Commonwealth Experience, the Commonwealth at Work, Responsible Government in Ontario, Politics in Saskatchewan, Pendulum of Power: Canada's Federal Elections, Canadian Party Platforms 1867–1968, Comparative Social Administration, French Pensions, the Learning Society, Resources for Education

1970 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-280
Author(s):  
A. J. Beith ◽  
J. Barry Jones ◽  
A. D. Lane ◽  
J. D. Fraser ◽  
R. N. Berki ◽  
...  
1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
Badi G. Foster

The importance of Africa in contemporary world affairs and the responsibilities of the U.S. as the major power in the “free world” have contributed to a re-examination of American foreign policy towards Africa. Attempts to clearly identify U.S. interests in Africa reflect the desire of the present Administration to avoid unnecessary involvement in African affairs that might parallel America’s Southeast Asia experience. In addition, identification of vital interests ought to permit the formulation and implementation of better (if not ideal) American policies. Recognizing the linkages between domestic and foreign policies, it is proper that one include as part of the process of foreign policy formulation the perspectives and interests of significant groups within American society. Thus, the examination of Afro-American views on U.S. foreign policy towards Africa becomes an important area of concern.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham

Between 1890 and 1914, the United States acquired overseas colonies, built a battleship fleet, and intervened increasingly often in Latin America and East Asia. This activism is often seen as the precursor to the country's role as a superpower after 1945 but actually served very different goals. In contrast to its pursuit of a relatively liberal international economic order after 1945, the United States remained committed to trade protection before 1914. Protectionism had several important consequences for American foreign policy on both economic and security issues. It led to a focus on less developed areas of the world that would not export manufactured goods to the United States instead of on wealthier European markets. It limited the tactics available for promoting American exports, forcing policymakers to seek exclusive bilateral agreements or unilateral concessions from trading partners instead of multilateral arrangements. It inhibited political cooperation with other major powers and implied an aggressive posture toward these states. The differences between this foreign policy and the one the United States adopted after 1945 underscore the critical importance not just of the search for overseas markets but also of efforts to protect the domestic market.


Author(s):  
Gregorio Bettiza

The chapter presents the book’s theoretical framework, which is grounded in a sociological approach to international relations (IR) theory. It suggests that to explain the causes and shape of the operationalization of religion in US foreign policy attention needs to be paid to the combined effects of macro-level forces represented by the emergence of a postsecular world society, and the mobilization at the micro-level of a diverse range of desecularizing actors who seek to contest the secularity of American foreign policy through the deployment of multiple desecularizing discourses. The chapter then conceptualizes four different processes of foreign policy desecularization—institutional, epistemic, ideological, and state-normative—which take place as religion increasingly becomes an organized subject and object of US foreign policy. Finally, it advances three hypotheses about the global effects of America’s religious foreign policies: they shape religious landscapes around the world in ways that reflect American values and interests; they contribute to religionizing world politics; and they promote similar policies internationally.


Author(s):  
Anatol Lieven

This chapter examines possible futures for American foreign policy in terms of the interests and ideology of the U.S. elites (and to a lesser extent the population at large), the structures of U.S. political life, and the real or perceived national interests of the United States. It first provides an overview of the ideological roots of U.S. foreign policy before discussing key contemporary challenges for U.S. foreign policy. In particular, it considers American relations with China, how to mobilize U.S. military power for foreign policy goals, and the issue of foreign aid. The chapter proceeds by analysing the most important features of America’s future foreign policies, focusing on the Middle East, the Far East, Russia and the former Soviet Union, and Europe and the transatlantic relationship. It concludes by describing some catastrophic scenarios that could accelerate the decline of US power.


Worldview ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 42-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Petersen Spiro

Human rights is at present a.much discussed issue in American foreign policy. What has not been discussed is the extent to which this represents a major change in American foreign policy. Consider: In 1974 the Secretary of State devoted exactly one sentence to human rights in his speech to the United Nations General Assembly. In 1975 there were four paragraphs of fairly standard rhetoric, apart from the proposal to establish a U.N. study to determine how widely torture was used as an officially sanctioned instrument of government. In addition there was an intimation of change in this sentence: "There is no longer any dispute that international human rights are on the agenda of international diplomacy." Yet there was then no evidence that Secretary Kissinger had changed the approach characterizing his tenure in office; nameiy, that American foreign policy cannot concern itself with the domestic policies of the governments with which it deals, even if they entail gross violations of human rights. We can, he insisted, only use private methods of persuasion and pressure. Foreign policy deals with the foreign policies of governments.


1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Thompson

The theologian Reinhold Neibuhr oftentimes warned that moralists who entered the foreign policy sphere were likely to be more destructive of a nation's ideals than were cynical realists. Evidently he feared that those who lacked a sense of the limits of foreign policy would proceed as if the values and goods which were attainable in the more intimate communities of the family, the locality and the nation were attainable in the international community as well. Whatever Neibuhr's quarrels and debates with classical Greek thought, he was at one with Plato and Aristotle and their present day followers in believing that justice could be more effectively pursued by the smaller communities, such as the city states. He insisted on a recognition of the differences between such communities and the major present day world powers. From World War II until his death, he wrote more about foreign policy than any other aspect of public policy. He wrote scores of articles, some published in less prominent journals, about American foreign policy and its moral basis.


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