Foreign Policy Analysis: British and American Orientations and Methodologies

1983 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Policy Analysis ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
Academic Orientation ◽  
Academic Communities ◽  
The United Kingdom

This paper is concerned with examining the extent to which there is a geographical divide in the academic study of foreign policy analysis. Accepting that there are diverse approaches to that study in the academic communities of the United States and the United Kingdom, this paper argues that it is possible to distinguish between two ideal-types, each exemplified in one of the two communities. This paper outlines these—an American approach based on a desire to construct general theories of foreign policy behaviour, and a British approach which stresses the need for case-studies and eschews the possibility of general theory. The reasons for the development of these two approaches are then discussed, linking the study of foreign policy to the wider political arena, and the general academic orientation of the two countries. Finally, it assesses the possibility of arriving at a synthesis of the two approaches.

Human Rights and Foreign Policy Analysis

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon Lindsey Blanton ◽  
David L. Cingranelli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Policy Analysis ◽  
Legal Standards ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Foreign Policies

Foreign policy analysis emerged as a subfield ino the late 1950s and early 1960s, when scholars began to focus on substate factors and on the decision making process in evaluating foreign policy. It was during this time that the United States embarked on an effort to establish internationally recognized legal standards aimed at protecting individual human rights. The United Nations Charter and the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR) made human rights promotion the responsibility of all member nations. But it was only in the late 1970s that human rights became an important component of quantitative foreign policy analysis. Numerous developments, including the Helsinki Accords of 1975 and the International Human Rights Covenants in 1976, helped elevate human rights concerns in the U.S. foreign policy making process. The scholarly literature on the subject revolves around three key issues: whether governments should make the promotion of human rights a goal of their foreign policies; whether the increasing use of human rights language in foreign policy rhetoric has been translated by the United States and other countries into public policies that have been consistent with that rhetoric; and whether the foreign policies of OECD governments actually have led to improved human rights practices in less economically developed countries. While scholars have produced a considerable amount of work that examines the various influences on the policy making process—whether at the individual, institutional, or societal levels of analysis—relatively few of them have focused on human rights perse.

Vicarious Identification as Foreign Policy Strategy

2021 ◽  
pp. 121-150
Author(s):  
Christopher S. Browning ◽  
Pertti Joenniemi ◽  
Brent J. Steele
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The United States ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
Ontological Security ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
The United Kingdom

The chapter reinterprets the United Kingdom-US special relationship through the lens of vicarious identification. It demonstrates how historical proclamations of the special relationship have responded to recurrent British anxieties related to its postwar, post-imperial, and now, following Brexit, its (impending) post-(EU)ropean decline. Vicarious identification with the United States is seen to offer the chance to reaffirm core narratives of self-identity central to British ontological security and which when successful enable the country to avoid serious reflection on its current situation. The chapter highlights the historical continuities of this move but also shows how vicarious identity promotion operates as a foreign policy strategy designed, not only to legitimize the special relationship, but also to entice the United States and its citizens to reciprocate in kind. Beyond exploring the temptations of vicarious identification as a form of foreign policy strategy, the chapter also explores its vulnerabilities, vulnerabilities crystallized during the course of the Trump presidency.

Identités ethnoculturelles et politique étrangère : le cas de la politique française du Canada

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-140
Author(s):  
Justin Massie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Le Canada

Résumé.Cet article propose, grâce à la notion de culture stratégique, une articulation du lien entre identité et politique étrangère. Il met plus particulièrement l'accent sur les effets des identités ethnoculturelles (anglophone et francophone) sur la politique de sécurité internationale du Canada, et soutient l'hypothèse qu'il en résulte une culture stratégique atlantiste et biculturelle, laquelle accorde une importance particulière à la France (de même qu'à la Grande-Bretagne et aux États-Unis). Il ressort de l'analyse historique de celle-ci que la centralité des identités ethnoculturelles canadiennes permet de mieux comprendre l'importance particulière dont jouit la France sur les limites normatives du multilatéralisme et de la légitimité de recourir à la force militaire par le Canada.Abstract.This article seeks to provide a constructivist account of Canadian foreign policy, linking identity and policy, through the concept of strategic culture. It focuses on Canada's dual ethnocultural identities (Anglophone and Francophone) and the bicultural and Atlanticist strategic culture that stems from it. It argues that this strategic culture helps explain France's significant importance (together with the United Kingdom and the United States) in defining the normative boundaries of Canada's multilateralism and legitimacy to use of military force abroad.

Spanish foreign policy will concern traditional allies

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Government

Subject Spanish foreign policy. Significance Spain does not see itself replacing the United Kingdom as one of the ‘Big 3’ in driving EU policymaking and cooperation after Brexit. Instead, the government of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez will seek to prioritise Spanish interests in the Mediterranean and on Brexit, and will become less preoccupied with EU cooperation and integration. Spain is seeking a more balanced and broader relationship with the United States, but there is tension over the political crisis in Venezuela and trade issues. Impacts Relations with the United States will become more difficult, especially if President Donald Trump is re-elected. Although Spain would like to shift its regional emphasis towards Asia, Venezuela and the coronavirus could nullify that ambition. Immigration is now a priority, as further illegal inflows would fuel support for the far-right Vox party.

Saudi Arabia and the Iranian Nuclear Deal

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. K. Pasha
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Congress ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Us

The signing of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) between Iran and the P5 + 1 countries (i.e., China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) heralds a new US foreign policy approach in the Middle East. Amidst growing signs of declining geopolitical influence in the region, the United States chose to end its three-decade-old tension with Iran. This has alarmed its traditional regional allies and partners, especially Israel and Saudi Arabia. While Israel had advocated a “military option” to stop Iranian nuclear ambitions and took the matters to the US Congress, Saudi Arabia preferred a less confrontationist approach due to its dependence upon the United States for security. Its reactions and the recent foreign policy choices underscore its anxiety over growing Iranian influence as well as its “interventionist” policy stoking instability in many Gulf and Arab states. In foreseeable future, both Saudi Arabia and Iran would have work for rapprochement and be content with their spheres of influence and continue depending on the United States to maintain stability and balance of power in the region.

scholarly journals The relationship between pharmacy licensing policies on clinical training (CT) and success rates for international pharmacists (IPs) within Canada, United Kingdom, and the United States: A comparative policy analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 420-431
Author(s):  
Amad Al-Azzawi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Clinical Training ◽  
The United States ◽  
Success Rates ◽  
Regulatory Policies ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Comparative Policy Analysis ◽  
Comparative Policy

Introduction: In October 2018, the Pharmacy Examining Board of Canada released a report showing that only 41.1% of international pharmacists pass the Pharmacy Qualifying Examination, compared to 91% of Canadian graduates. When compared to the United Kingdom and United States, Canada has the lowest success rates for the integration of international pharmacists. Aim: This study aims to address two questions: What are the professional pharmacy policies governing the clinical training resources for international pharmacists within their host country? What can Canada learn from other Western countries to facilitate the integration of international pharmacists? Method: A comparative policy analysis was used to draw comparisons between Canada’s regulatory policies governing the pharmacy license to other similar models in the United Kingdom and United States. Results: Upon examining current integration systems in these countries, differences in training period requirements and competencies became apparent. Therefore, the findings suggest that Canadian stakeholders can learn from other models’ legislation, structure, and clinical outcome prospects.

Canada and the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Hübner ◽  
James Anderson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The United States ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Eu

Historically, the land known as Canada during the 21st century was colonized by the Kingdoms of France and England and was also the site of an abortive and short-lived colonization attempt by Scandinavian settlers in the 10th and 11th centuries. The early French colony of New France boasted a population in the tens of thousands but was eventually annexed and colonized by the United Kingdom following the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War. As a result, the modern nation-states of the United Kingdom and France have the closest relationships with Canada, and it is through these conduits that much of the contemporary Canada–European Union (EU) relationship lies. Although Canada, being a colony of the United Kingdom, did not conduct its own diplomacy for the entirety of the 19th century and much of the 20th, it was able to establish informal ties through diplomatic attachés to British embassies and consular offices. Following the Statute of Westminster in 1931, Canada gained the ability to craft an independent foreign policy which it pursued wholeheartedly. After the Second World War, it joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alongside the United States, the United Kingdom, and numerous other European nations. Its formal relationship with the EU and its predecessors began in 1959, when it and the burgeoning European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) signed an agreement on the peaceful uses of atomic energy. Since then, its cooperation has gained breadth and depth, expanding to myriad other policy areas including agriculture, foreign policy and defense, security, and trade. There have been points of tension between the two partners in the past, most notably around issues with the Quebec independence movement, governance of the Arctic, and governance of international fisheries and the oceans. However, over time the EU has grown to become perhaps Canada’s second most important partner worldwide, after the United States. This has culminated in the signing of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) and the Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA), which are major milestones and cement Canada and the EU’s mutually increasing importance to each other.

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