scholarly journals CAMPANIAN CRUSTACEAN BURROW SYSTEM FROM ISRAEL WITH BROOD AND NURSERY CHAMBERS REPRESENTING COMMUNAL ORGANIZATION

Palaeontology ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Z. LEWY ◽  
R. GOLDRING
Moreana ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (Number 209) (1) ◽  
pp. 79-93
Author(s):  
Marie-Claire Phélippeau

This paper shows how solidarity is one of the founding principles in Thomas More's Utopia (1516). In the fictional republic of Utopia described in Book II, solidarity has a political and a moral function. The principle is at the center of the communal organization of Utopian society, exemplified in a number of practices such as the sharing of farm work, the management of surplus crops, or the democratic elections of the governor and the priests. Not only does solidarity benefit the individual Utopian, but it is a prerequisite to ensure the prosperity of the island of Utopia and its moral preeminence over its neighboring countries. However, a limit to this principle is drawn when the republic of Utopia faces specific social difficulties, and also deals with the rest of the world. In order for the principle of solidarity to function perfectly, it is necessary to apply it exclusively within the island or the republic would be at risk. War is not out of the question then, and compassion does not apply to all human beings. This conception of solidarity, summed up as “Utopia first!,” could be dubbed a Machiavellian strategy, devised to ensure the durability of the republic. We will show how some of the recommendations of Realpolitik made by Machiavelli in The Prince (1532) correspond to the Utopian policy enforced to protect their commonwealth.


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-453
Author(s):  
Steven D. Fraade

AbstractSince soon after the initial discoveries and publications of the Dead Sea Scrolls, scholars have compared the Yahad of the scrolls with the Hăbûrâ of early rabbinic literature and sought to establish a historical relationship and developmental progression between the two types of communal organization. The present article reviews select but representative examples from such scholarship, seeking to reveal their underlying presumptions and broader implications, while questioning whether the available evidence allows for the sorts of sociological comparisons and historical reconstructions that they adduce.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danae Moore ◽  
Michael Ray Kearney ◽  
Rachel Paltridge ◽  
Steve McAlpin ◽  
Adam Stow

Context Prescribed burning is widely adopted as a conservation-management tool, with priorities largely being the protection of fire-sensitive plant communities, threatened fauna habitat and minimising the risk and impacts of broad-scale wildfire. However, an improved understanding of the ecological mechanisms that underpin species responses to fire will assist the development and refinement of prescribed-burning practice. Aims To examine the effect of fire on burrow-system occupancy and breeding success at different spatial and temporal scales for a threatened skink, Liopholis kintorei. Methods Experimental burns simulating different fire types (clean burn, patchy burn and no burn) were conducted at 30 L. kintorei burrow systems that were selected from within a 75-ha focal study area. Burrow-system occupancy was monitored daily for 1 month, then monthly for an additional 3 months. Breeding success was assessed once at all 30 burrow systems. Eight additional 1-km2 sites within L. kintorei habitat that had experienced some degree of fire 2 years earlier were selected from across Newhaven Wildlife Sanctuary. Burrow-system occupancy and breeding success of L. kintorei at these sites was assessed once. Key results There was no significant effect of fire on burrow-system occupancy 1 month after experimental burns; however, burrow-system occupancy was significantly higher at unburnt sites 4 months after experimental burns and 2 years post-fire. Breeding success was significantly higher at unburnt sites than at clean-burnt and patchy-burnt sites. Conclusions Fire adversely affects L. kintorei, as demonstrated by a higher proportion of unoccupied burrow systems and fewer successful breeding events post-fire, particularly when all ground cover is lost. Implications Because fire is an inevitable and natural process within arid-zone spinifex grasslands, the primary habitat for L. kintorei, we recommend prescribed-burning practices that aim to maximise ground cover by reducing the frequency, intensity and size of fires. More specifically, we recommend fire exclusion from key sites within distinct localities where L. kintorei is known to be locally abundant. Depending on the size of these key sites, there may also be a need to construct strategic fire breaks within sites to ensure that any unwanted ignitions do not result in the loss of all vegetation cover.


2021 ◽  
Vol 193 ◽  
pp. 104578
Author(s):  
Xubin Chen ◽  
Tianyao Li ◽  
Chen Chen ◽  
Yinyi Chang ◽  
Pengtao Li ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-118
Author(s):  
Yuval Tal

Abstract This article explores how, through discussions about immigrant assimilation in fin de siècle Algeria, French republicans contemplated and wrote into law the ethnic traits of French national identity. Republicans assumed that the North Mediterranean immigrants who settled in Algeria shared ethnic origins with French settlers and consequently asserted that France should work to “fuse” the two groups. Assertions about immigrants' ethnicity took different forms. In the colony they appeared either at the margins of colonial administrators' attacks against immigrant communal organization or in literary representations of French-Mediterranean fusion. In the metropole republican legislators portrayed immigrants as innately prone to becoming French and thus supported the 1889 nationality law that naturalized them. The passing of the 1889 law prompted the creation of an explicitly ethnorepublican assimilatory model. The model's proponents combined sociological and eugenicist principles to both socialize immigrants into the nation and promote the transfer of their Mediterranean “vigor” into French bodies. Cet article examine les efforts des intellectuels et des dirigeants républicains pour assimiler les immigrés européens en Algérie à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Il affirme que les identités communautaires et la prépondérance démographique des immigrés ont poussé l'élite républicaine à envisager leur capacité ethnique à s'assimiler à la société française, et montre que l'idée que les Français et les immigrés avaient la même origine ethnique a façonné les débats sur l'assimilation nationale et a influencé la formation des lois républicaines fondamentales. En Algérie, des affirmations à propos de l'identité ethnique des immigrés européens apparaissaient en marge des discussions politiques sur leur organisation communautaire et dans les romans des écrivains algérianistes. En métropole, des législateurs républicains supposaient que la « ressemblance ethnique » entre Français et immigrés assurait l'assimilation rapide de ces derniers et ils ont soutenu la loi de 1889 sur la nationalité qui les a naturalisés. A l'issue de la législation de 1889, une vision de fusionnement des colons français et des membres de la « race méditerranéenne » en Algérie s'est développée. Ses partisans ont combiné des principes sociologiques avec des principes eugéniques dans le but d'incorporer les immigrés européens dans la nation et de faire transporter leur « vigueur » dans les corps des Français.


2007 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
pp. 070824081249008-??? ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Šumbera ◽  
J. Šklíba ◽  
M. Elichová ◽  
W. N. Chitaukali ◽  
H. Burda

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