HEALTH CARE, CIVIL RIGHTS AND THE BLACK COMMUNITY

1983 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Woodrow Jones ◽  
Mitchell F. Rice
2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-58
Author(s):  
Konstantinos N Fountoulakis ◽  
Kyriakos Souliotis

AbstractRecently the Norwegian Health Minister ordered the creation of medication-free treatment wards as a result of the lobbying by patients’ groups and activists. The idea behind this is that patients should have the right to choose their treatment, but for the first time, with this arrangement, the user/patient does not choose between treatment options; he literally determines by himself what efficacious treatment is. In our opinion this is another step towards a ‘reverse stigma’ which denies patients the right to be considered as such and eventually kicks them out of the health care system, deprives them of the right for proper treatment and care and instead puts them at the jurisdiction of the much cheaper and ineffective social services.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 756-762
Author(s):  
Dorit Rubinstein Reiss ◽  
V.B. Dubal

Influenza mandates in health care institutions are recommended by professional associations as an effective way to prevent the contraction of influenza by patients from health care workers. Health care institutions with such mandates must operate within civil rights frameworks. A recent set of cases against health care institutions with influenza mandates reveals the liabilities posed by federal law that protects employees from religious discrimination. This article examines this legal framework and draws important lessons from this litigation for health care institutions. We argue counterintuitively that providing religious exemptions from influenza mandates may expose health care institutions to more liability than not providing a formal exemption.


Author(s):  
Michael Sistrom

The Mississippi Freedom Labor Union (MFLU) and related efforts were part of the larger evolution of black activism and of the maturing and varied philosophy of Black Power in the mid- and later 1960s. The MFLU and its offshoots embodied this mutation; first, in strategy, from a focus on demonstrations to capture the attention of a national white audience to awakening and organizing the poor black community in the South; and second, a shift in goals from requesting civil rights from the country's lawmakers to demanding a share of political and economic power. After a series of plantation strikes in the summer of 1965, MFLU members and other black Mississippians tried to gain a voice in the local application of War on Poverty programs and to establish Freedom City as communal housing for displaced workers.


Author(s):  
Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood

This chapter focuses on the post-civil war election of Massachusetts’ first black legislators and the debates over the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. It argues that in these early debates issues of black suffrage were central to visions of citizenship and that conflicts over the breadth of the amendments planted the seeds for future skepticism of the Republican Party. Following the passage of the amendments, portions of Boston’s black community remained unsure of Republicans’ commitment to civil rights protections.


Author(s):  
Michael K. Honey

What happened to Martin Luther King’s dream of economic equality in Memphis? For most of the city’s history, 80 percent or more of the black community has consisted of black workers. Slavery set the terms of cheap labor as the measure of profitability in Memphis, and white economic elites have pursued that measure of profitability ever since, but not without resistance from black working people. Drawing on the last thirty years of research on Memphis labor and race relations, this essay surveys the struggles of black workers and the black community as a whole for economic advancement. After documenting decisive, powerful advances for African Americans in Memphis during the “long civil rights movement” from 1934 to 1968, the essay surveys the fate of the black working class and poses questions about the legacy of the freedom struggle in the fifty years since 1968, during which time more educated and politically involved people have advanced, while the fate of undereducated, underpaid, or unemployed working people has worsened. The legacy of the black freedom struggle in Memphis continues in the increasingly difficult terrain of America’s racial capitalism in the twenty-first-century global economy.


CNS Spectrums ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-304
Author(s):  
Napoleon B. Higgins

Abstract:There are many barriers to mental health care in the Black Community. These barriers lead to racial disparities in access to treatment and quality of life, along with inappropriate treatment and misdiagnosis in mental and physical health. These disparities directly lead to increased morbidity, mortality and poor mental health in the our communities. Many would question if Black people are not interested in mental health and don’t see it as a needed concern. This talk will address that all cultures are not the same and that there is a fundamental need to address communities on their terms and not make them conform into a "majority culture" approach and perception of mental health care, but rather focus on the individual patient and community needs for mental health care. Often psychiatrists and other mental health professionals are trained in a very academic scientific approach to identification and treatment of mental illness. Too often this model does not fit the needs of all patients due to it not taking into account ethnic differences in communication of mental health and desired outcomes of the patient. This often leads to a lack of understanding on with both sides, the mental health professional and the patient. Too often a patient may see the physician, be given a diagnosis, starts taking a prescription, but then not be able to explain what is their diagnosis, the name of the medication, what it is for, nor what is the medication supposed to do for them. This could lead to unexpected poor outcomes due to the lack of effective communication. This talk will attempt to explain the barriers of communication to the Black community while appreciating and supporting cultural nuance and effective communication. This is needed to help bring mental health to the community in a digestible way and to meet the communities needs on their level. To do this, psychiatry needs to shift it’s focus to understanding cultural characteristics, such as how Black patients may have different cultural needs and may benefit from a unique, customized approach to their mental health. There is a need for psychiatry to take into consideration the spiritual aspects of patients and how many focus not only on needing to improve themselves, but also on how their mental health and behavior are impacting their family and the community as a whole. The traditional model of interview, diagnosis with medication, and follow up for medication adjustment is not fitting all communities leading to the detriment of their mental health.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-136
Author(s):  
Aldon Morris

This article addresses why movement scholars had no idea that the civil rights and black power movements of the 1960s and 70s were imminent. In fact, their theories led them to predict that these movements were impossible because only whites possessed history-making agency. These scholars accepted the dogma that black people, their culture, and their institutions were inferior and incapable of organizing and leading powerful movements. This article demonstrates that the black sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois predicted those movements a half century before they occurred. He did so because he conducted concrete empirical analyses of the black community, and his lived experiences led him to reject the thesis of black inferiority. This article argues that the field of social movements remains too white and elitist and that this condition causes less robust and accurate analysis. The article suggests ways to make needed changes.


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