World Polity, World Culture, World Society

2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
George M. Thomas
Author(s):  
John Boli ◽  
Selina Gallo-Cruz ◽  
Matt Mathias

World-polity theory is a widely used sociological perspective for the analysis of world culture, organization, and change. Also known as world-society theory, global neo-institutionalism, and the “Stanford school” of global analysis, world-polity theory is largely compatible with the globalization perspective associated with Roland Robertson and the cultural analysis approach of anthropologists Ulf Hannerz and Arjun Appadurai. Proponents of world-polity theory argue that rationality, purposes, and interests are profoundly cultural constructs bound up in an over-arching canopy (or underlying foundation) that endows actors with properties, identity, meaning, interests, and guides to action. The theory also recognizes the key role played by international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) in the formation, codification, and propagation of world culture. The intellectual foundations of world-polity theory can be traced to the work of its founder, John W. Meyer, as well as Émile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Erving Goffman. Two institutional domains of world society that have generated the most attention in world-polity theory are the responsible and responsive state, and the sacred and empowered individual. A variety of criticisms have emerged regarding world-polity theory, such as the alleged failure of world-polity research to address issues of inequality and stratification more directly. Among other issues, future research should focus on elucidating the ontological structure and normative order of global culture, as well as the historical origins, growth, and development of world culture, transnational organization, and global actor models over the longue durée (the past millennium or so).


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer E. Givens

Research on the carbon intensity of well-being (CIWB), a measure representing a country's development in terms of both environmental and human well-being, often explores the role of economic development, while the effects of other aspects of global integration remain under-explored. I use macro-comparative sociological perspectives to investigate the extent to which theories of global integration help explain variation in countries’ CIWB over time. I evaluate propositions drawn from neoinstitutional world society and world polity theories using longitudinal modeling techniques to analyze data from 81 countries from 1990 to 2011. I also examine subsets of more and less developed countries and compare production- and consumption-based measures of CIWB. I find that world society/world polity integration is associated with a reduction in CIWB only in more developed nations, and only when using the production measure for CO2 emissions, highlighting the complexities of sustainable development in an unequal global system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana Tiaynen-Qadir ◽  
Ali Qadir ◽  
Pertti Alasuutari

This article explores how international references in parliaments build a synchronized world polity, even in countries that are often portrayed as being at odds with the rest of the world. The article asks whether and how Russian parliamentarians refer to the international community, and how such references compare with parliamentary debates in other countries. The “mesophenomenological” argument developed here connects World Society Theory, which demonstrates global isomorphism, with national studies of Russia, which argue for important national particularities. The empirical analysis draws on a stratified random sample of debates on draft laws in the Russian Duma from 1994 to 2013, comparable to similar samples from six other countries. The results show that: (1) Russian parliamentarians refer to the international community in the same level and the same forms as in other countries; (2) Russian policy-makers rely on the same imageries of the social world to convince their audiences as do other parliamentarians; and (3) this similarity in form remains consistent throughout the period, despite radical changes in national politics. These findings attest to the Russian Duma as a site of world culture, and to the mesophenomenological view that the world polity is highly synchronized through discourses of cross-national comparisons.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Sung-jo Park

It is commonly known that the neo-liberalism version of ongoing globalization is very likely to harmonize and standardize norms, values and finally cultural diversities. This process is said to be condition sine qua non for enhancing global competitiveness. Seen from this viewpoint the thesis of "one world economy", "one world society" and "one world culture" is logical and plausible. The question countries, especially a national economy lacking foundations for global competitiveness are actually facing is how and to which extent the national interest and identity can be conserved by means of pursuing its own globalization strategy. The Berlin Declaration by Kim Dae-Jung (2000) which created a momentum for reflecting on and seeking the national identity and interest of Korea may be understood as a realistic alternative for the globalization of Korea.


Author(s):  
Amy L. Sayward

This chapter explores the role of international institutions during the Cold War. It explains that while international institutions promoted their own agendas for global action, they also provided venues for raising questions about the bipolar power contest and acted as mitigators in international conflicts. The chapter also suggests that the histories of international institutions can provide insights into the complexities of the Cold War. It furthermore discusses the role of the United Nations in creating an era of global expectations and conventions that do fit into the nation-states paradigm, and highlights the emergence of the so-called world society or world culture during the Cold War.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-492
Author(s):  
Jessica Kim

Although existing studies of international women’s rights norm diffusion demonstrate the importance of international linkages for fostering change, few examine their influence on individual attitudes. Of those that do, none consider how ties to different world cultural domains—world polity vs. world society—impact this process, despite their divergent roots. Whereas world polity via CEDAW facilitates diffusion by holding states accountable, world society via women’s international NGOs (WINGOs) appeals to citizens by encouraging activism and awareness. Focusing on trends in developing nations, which remain underexamined but theoretically relevant, I assess the unique effect of each on diffusion to attitudes. I further expand the literature to examine the direct and interactive effects of national-level compliance (quotas) on this process. Using a multilevel analysis of World Values Survey data from 31 developing nations, I demonstrate that the duration of CEDAW ratification (world polity) and nationally mandated legislative quotas (national-level compliance) directly facilitate this diffusion, but WINGOs (world society) alone do not. Yet, where quotas exist and global ties are sufficient, WINGOs become significant, and CEDAW’s effectiveness increases. These results suggest that world polity and world society are both salient for diffusion to attitudes but should be considered separately and in conjunction with national-level outcomes that moderate their effects.


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