Does the Structural Power of Business Matter in State Capitalism?: Evidence from China's Oil Politics under Xi Jinping

Pacific Focus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoguang Wang
2018 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 930-945 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Ortmann ◽  
Mark R. Thompson

AbstractThis special section deals with China's longstanding fascination with Singapore's development experience that has preoccupied post-Maoist leaders from Deng Xiaoping to Xi Jinping despite the obvious differences between the tiny Southeast Asian city-state and the most populous country on earth. In particular, there is great Chinese interest in Singapore's success in combining effective governance and efficient state capitalism with stable one-party dominant rule. As a consequence, Chinese observers paid much less attention to electoral democracies that were well-governed states with mature economies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 946-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Yang ◽  
Stephan Ortmann

AbstractChina can be described as a “learning state” which has adapted to changing conditions and frequently turned outward for lessons. In recent years, Sweden and Singapore have drawn particularly strong interest from Chinese academics because the two countries represent two different “third ways” between Communism and capitalism and have been useful for developing a socialism “with Chinese characteristics.” Sweden is seen to symbolize the ideals of social equity and harmony while Singapore is seen as a model of authoritarian state-capitalism. China's transformation has resembled the Southeast Asia city state's model more than the Scandinavian social democratic model. Since Xi Jinping assumed power in 2012, interest in Sweden has reached a nadir, while attentiveness to Singapore has peaked. Although Chinese state-capitalism faces many challenges, including rising inequality and persistent corruption, it will be difficult to find an alternative role model that can successfully combine one-party rule with economic modernization.


Subject Scenarios for a coup against President Xi Jinping. Significance The COVID-19 pandemic has damaged President Xi Jinping’s image, prompting speculation that rivals could seek to topple him. There is no sign of dissent among other senior leaders, but coups are an endemic feature of authoritarian systems and so cannot be ruled out. Impacts A violent power grab would be almost impossible unless China were to fall into total disorder. The People’s Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Communist Party, would be a key political actor in any leadership dispute. High-level purges weaken the ruling party’s legitimacy by undermining its claim to infallibility. A radical new direction is unlikely under a new leader; state capitalism, overseas acquisitions and assertive foreign policy would continue.


2004 ◽  
pp. 42-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Radygin

The paper deals with one of the characteristic trends of the 2000s, that is, the government's property expansion. It is accompanied by attempts to consolidate economic structures controlled by the state and state-owned stock packages and unitary enterprises under the aegis of holdings. Besides the government practices selective severe enforcement actions against a number of the largest private companies, strengthens its control over companies with mixed capital and establishes certain informal procedures of relationships between private business and the state. The author examines the YUKOS case and the business community's actual capacity to protect its interests. One can argue that in all likelihood the trend to the 'state capitalism' in its specific Russian variant has become clearer over 2003-2004.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-49
Author(s):  
Lars Wächter

Chinas Staatschef Xi Jinping will das „Reich der Mitte“ bis 2049 zur neuen Weltmacht führen. Dazu soll die alte Seidenstraße zu neuem Leben erweckt werden. Belt and Road Initiative heißt das Megaprojekt, das in den nächsten Jahren die Weltwirtschaft massiv verändern wird.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Michael Cepek

Anthropologists and activists portray the lives and lands of Ecuador’s Indigenous Cofán people as a case study of the damage caused by petroleum extraction. Yet during my fieldwork on the issue, I began to question the nature of the Cofán-oil encounter when the community in which I worked decided to allow oil companies onto their land. In this article, I examine my own involvements with Cofán oil politics in dialogue with Stuart Kirsch’s concept of ‘engaged anthropology’ and Kim TallBear’s call for researchers to ‘stand with’ their research subjects. I argue that anthropological activism is necessarily a complex and shifting affair, especially when our collaborators’ perspectives diverge from our own regarding the best possible paths to their wellbeing. I suggest that the most ethical option is for anthropologists to commit themselves to continuous, co-con-structed partnerships in which they are perpetually prepared to transform their most basic political and intellectual positions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
Seung-wook Baek ◽  
Young Seog Jang ◽  
Mun Young Cho ◽  
Pansu Kim

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