Xi Jinping growth background and political leadership? -Focus on personal tendency and Xi Jinping era-

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Jin Ho Kim
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (001) ◽  
pp. 138-146
Author(s):  
Albina GALIMZYANOVA

China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 000944552110470
Author(s):  
Rudolf Fürst

Deepening globalisation and worldwide availability of free information and ideas raise concerns of the communist China’s political leadership about the stability of the regime and the sustainability of the state ideological orthodoxy. Therefore, the state’s tightening control of the public communication to curtail the domestic criticism and occasional public discontent is becoming framed and legitimised in terms of cultural security as a non-traditional security concern. This study argues that the restrictive impacts of the politicisation of culture in the centralised agenda of President Xi Jinping reinvigorate China’s anti-Western narratives and attitudes. The research focuses on the state’s cultural security-related and applicable strategy in the political and institutional agenda and media. Moreover, the study also traces the state cultural security policy in the field of the civic and non-governmental sector, religious and ethnic minorities policy, literature, film and audiovisual sectors. The findings assess the concern that the intellectually anachronistic, self-restraining and internationally hostile policy devaluates China’s cultural potential and complexity.


Author(s):  
Magdalena Wong

This chapter suggests that the national leader, Xi Jinping, has managed to build a new image of political leadership that corresponds with the discourse on masculinity in contemporary times. The archetypal model is constructed with the assistance of Xi’s wife and her modern First Lady image. There are multiple ethnographic vignettes highlighting the popular response to Xi’s policies and performance, and ordinary citizens’ expressions of militaristic nationalism, directed mainly against Japan. In the midst of this, President Xi is shown to have become the epitome of an able-responsible leader who shoulders responsibilities by his tough stance to fight corruption and poverty, and his call for the resurgence of national greatness. Xi’s prolific citations from classical, traditional, teachings to mundane analogies have special appeal on the grassroots level.


Author(s):  
Priya M V

Often political leadership transition brings change in direction or continuity in foreign policy and this is no exception in the context of China. With President Xi Jinping in office Chinese diplomacy is becoming more assertive and proactive than in the past. This is leading to a gradual shift in the policy of Deng Xiaoping’s dictum of keeping low profile. The operative term here is more of renovation and change. While the language of Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence continues there are discernible shifts visible.


2011 ◽  
pp. 89-100
Author(s):  
Thong Khon

This paper analyses the development of tourism and ecotourism in Cambodia. The paper shows that tourism not only helps the country to earn foreign income but also helps raise its identity in the eyes of the world. Alternative tourism including ecotourism has recently been introduced in Cambodia. For Cambodia, ecotourism is seen as a better option for tourism than conventional or mass tourism. Ecotourism development in Cambodia requires informed participation of all relevant stakeholders, as well as strong political leadership to ensure wide participation and consensus building.


Asian Survey ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 720-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayumi Itoh
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.


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