Hail to the Redskins? Public Reactions to a Racially Insensitive Team Name

1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 317-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Sigelman

The use of American Indian team names, mascots, and symbols has stirred considerable controversy over the last decade. This paper focuses on public attitudes toward the most frequently objected-to team name, the Redskins, Washington, DC’s professional football team. Data from 2 surveys, one local and the other national, establish that very few members of the general public see any need to change Redskins to another name. Support for a name change is significantly higher among racial or ethnic minorities; the more highly educated; and those who are not fans of professional football in general or the Washington team in particular. However, even in those parts of the public, support is far outweighed by opposition. These findings stand in stark contrast to the idea that Americans now routinely disassociate themselves from ideas and stereotypes that might convey the impression that they are racially insensitive.

2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew A. Baum ◽  
Tim Groeling

AbstractPrevailing theories hold that U.S. public support for a war depends primarily on its degree of success, U.S. casualties, or conflict goals. Yet, research into the framing of foreign policy shows that public perceptions concerning each of these factors are often endogenous and malleable by elites. In this article, we argue that both elite rhetoric and the situation on the ground in the conflict affect public opinion, but the qualities that make such information persuasive vary over time and with circumstances. Early in a conflict, elites (especially the president) have an informational advantage that renders public perceptions of “reality” very elastic. As events unfold and as the public gathers more information, this elasticity recedes, allowing alternative frames to challenge the administration's preferred frame. We predict that over time the marginal impact of elite rhetoric and reality will decrease, although a sustained change in events may eventually restore their influence. We test our argument through a content analysis of news coverage of the Iraq war from 2003 through 2007, an original survey of public attitudes regarding Iraq, and partially disaggregated data from more than 200 surveys of public opinion on the war.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-653
Author(s):  
Timothy Hildebrandt ◽  
Leticia Bode ◽  
Jessica S. C. Ng

Abstract Introduction Under austerity, governments shift responsibilities for social welfare to individuals. Such responsibilization can be intertwined with pre-existing social stigmas, with sexually stigmatized individuals blamed more for health problems due to “irresponsible” sexual behavior. To understand how sexual stigma affects attitudes on government healthcare expenditures, we examine public support for government-provisioned PrEP in England at a time when media narratives cast the drug as an expensive benefit for a small, irresponsible social group and the National Health Service’s long-term sustainability was in doubt. Methods This paper uses data from an original survey (N = 738) conducted in September 2016, when public opinion should be most sensitive to sexual stigma. A survey experiment tests how the way beneficiaries of PrEP were described affected support for NHS provision of it. Contrary to expectations, we found that support was high (mean = 3.86 on a scale of 1 to 5) irrespective of language used or beneficiary group mentioned. Differences between conditions were negligible. Discussion Sexual stigma does not diminish support for government-funded PrEP, which may be due to reverence for the NHS; resistance to responsibilization generally; or just to HIV, with the public influenced by sympathy and counter-messaging. Social policy implications Having misjudged public attitudes, it may be difficult for the government to continue to justify not funding PrEP; the political rationale for contracting out its provision is unnecessary and flawed. With public opinion resilient to responsibilization narratives and sexual stigma even under austerity, welfare retrenchment may be more difficult than social policymakers presume.


1974 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-668 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Sigler ◽  
Dennis Goresky

Primary attention has been paid in much of the writing on public attitudes on foreign affairs to opinions about official interstate relations and foreign policy. One of the merits of the transnational politics paradigm is that it calls attention to the possibility that intersocietal relations may condition or influence the climate as well as the agenda of interstate relations. For the public opinion analyst, the paradigm invites attention to the relative degree of importance assigned by publics to intersocietal as contrasted to interstate relations and how changes in attitudes toward one sector may influence the climate in which relations in the other sector are conducted.


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-25
Author(s):  
Cuong Khac Le ◽  
Cong Tran Phan

Currently, the name ethnic of Ta Mun are concerned by the scientists after the public opinion shows that it is should not classifying Ta Mun people as Stieng or Chrau people as before, because the Ta Mun language and culture are different from the Stieng and Chrau ones. The Ta Mun people are fully aware of and always assert their own ethnic as Ta Mun. They repeatedly suggest adding this name to the list of ethnic minorities in Vietnam. This article is the result of the linguistic fieldwork, was held in late May 3, 2013, in some rural districts of Tay Ninh province. This is one of the two groups of Ta Mun in Vietnam (the other is in Binh Phuoc province). This preliminary study aims to provide the further phonetic corpora of Ta Mun, as well as comparison of Ta Mun and South Bahnaric languages in the field of phonetics.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Baum ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Matthew Simonson ◽  
David Lazer ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
...  

As more Americans are being vaccinated, politicians, institutional leaders, and individual members of the public are debating in what contexts vaccine requirements are appropriate and who should be allowed to set the rules. For example, an increasing number of colleges and universities are announcing that they will require that students be vaccinated before returning to campus in the fall. On the other hand, lawmakers in at least 40 states are seeking to prohibit universities, government agencies, or businesses from doing so.To explore this question, our April 2021 survey (N=21,733 respondents) included a series of questions asking respondents whether or not they approved of local, state, or federal governments mandating vaccines for everyone, and, more narrowly, whether they supported a vaccine requirement to board an airplane, attend (K-12) school in person, or return to college. In this report, we explore public support for such requirements in the aggregate and broken out by demographic subgroups of the population, as well as at the state level.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Smetana ◽  
Marek Albert Vranka

We present the results of two survey experiments on public support for nuclear, chemical, and conventional strikes. We examined how moral values of individuals interact with the approval of different kinds of strikes and with the effects of information about the ingroup and out-group fatalities. Our results show that while the public is more averse to the employment of chemical weapons than to the conduct of nuclear or conventional strikes, the overall relationship between strike approval and the individuals’ moral values does not differ across the three experimental treatments. In addition, we found that individuals’ scores in so-called “binding” moral values affect the sensitivity of the public for in-group fatalities. Findings of our paper contribute to the broader debates in the field about the strength and nature of the norms against the use of nuclear and chemical weapons, and about the role of morality in the public attitudes to the use of military force.


Author(s):  
James Ron ◽  
Shannon Golden ◽  
David Crow ◽  
Archana Pandya

This chapter discusses key findings of the preceding chapters and presents some directions for future research. While public opinion in the global South is far from monolithic, this research found relative favor for human rights ideas and organizations, suggesting deeper grassroots support than many critics allege or practitioners fear. However, the preceding chapters also argued that this general public good will has not been fully harnessed or transformed into action. This chapter suggests that human rights researchers should spend more time investigating the public experiences with and opinions about human rights. Scholars have devoted enormous attention to the construction, diffusion, and reception of human rights norms, but have largely focused on states, legal systems, organizations, and other institutions. Few have explored public attitudes toward international human rights norms and organizations; additional research is needed on the depth, limits, variability, and potential of public support for human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (20) ◽  
pp. 5793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ting Guan ◽  
Ke Meng ◽  
Wei Liu ◽  
Lan Xue

Raising public awareness of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is a critical prerequisite for their implementation. However, little is known about attitude formation among the public toward SDGs at the national level. We explored this topic in China, a country that has emerged as a leading world economy with strong transformational imperatives to work toward sustainable development. Following Chaiken’s heuristic–systematic model and using data from an online survey with 4128 valid respondents, this study investigated the factors that affect public support for SDGs and explains how individuals form supportive attitudes. Our empirical evidence showed that in China, first, public support is mainly shaped by demographic attributes (gender, age, and educational attainment), value predispositions (e.g., altruistic values and anthropocentric worldviews), and the level of SDG-relevant knowledge. Second, an interaction effect exists between value predispositions and knowledge among the public concerning support for SDGs. Third, the Chinese public views the implementation of SDGs as a part of development policy rather than environmental policy. This study provides empirical findings on the factors that account for public attitudes toward SDGs, outlining some useful implications for designing policy tools that would bolster SDG action.


2004 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 590-614 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Herzog

Although a common practice in many legal systems, plea bargaining (PB) tends to be held in low esteem by the public at large. In the present study, which was based on a survey of a national sample of Israeli respondents, a factorial design methodology was used to examine public attitudes toward varied PB scenarios. It was hypothesized that opening up PB procedures to parties other than the traditionally involved “insiders” would enhance public support for PB. The findings of the study generally confirmed this hypothesis, albeit not completely: The effect of decreased covertness was minimal. This article concludes with a discussion of the policy implications of the findings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-62
Author(s):  
Shailendra Singh

This article advances discussions on media freedom and media development in Melanesia through the introduction of an ‘external’ and ‘internal’ threats analytical framework. Singling out the challenges and categorising them into these two main groups provides a clearer picture of the issues at stake, the links between them, and the need to address the situation holistically. External threats emanating from outside the media sector are often seen as more serious, and they often overshadow internal threats, which come from within the media sector. This article argues that both sets of threats have serious impacts on media and journalism in their own ways, and that both should be regarded equally. Furthermore, the linkages between these threats mean that one cannot be properly addressed without addressing the other. A key outcome of this discussion is a clearer understanding of how little control the media have over both external and internal threats, and how stakeholder support is needed to overcome some of the issues.  Because good journalism benefits the public, this article argues for increased public support for high-quality journalism that delivers a public benefit.  


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