“One Belt One Road” and China–Southeast Asia Relations

2017 ◽  
pp. 211-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Zhao
Author(s):  
E.A. Fomicheva ◽  

The paper considers large-scale plans for the development of modern railway lines in Thailand as a factor that stimulates the economic development of the country. The author emphasizes the importance of the country's cooperation with China in this area. For China, Thai projects are important in economic and political terms, first of all, as elements of creating a powerful branched transport system "one belt one road", which gives China significant economic and political advantages, strengthening Beijing's position in SouthEast Asia and, specifically, in the Indochina Peninsula this area.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3A) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Inna Evgeniyivna Pidbereznykh

The article describes the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road” by the example of its implementation in the region of Southeast Asia. At the same time, the paper investigates the prehistory of the formation of this project. Therefore, the article notes that the positions of Southeast Asian countries on the initiative proposed by China vary greatly and depend on political realities. Based on the analysis of the political and economic situation of the countries of this region the attitudes of Myanmar, Indonesia, Vietnam, Singapore, the Philippines and Japan to this Chinese initiative are highlighted in detail. The paper notes that the recent coup in Myanmar 2021 has further complicated the business environment in the country, not only putting Chinese projects at direct risk, but also threatening Beijing's economic interests in the country. In addition, the article characterizes the key risks and problems of the implementation of PRC initiatives. It is established that there are many problems on the way to the implementation of the said program.


2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (01) ◽  
pp. 57-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aileen S. P. Baviera

This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1(50)) ◽  
pp. 82-113
Author(s):  
Nikolay P. Maletin ◽  
◽  
Natalia I. Khokhlova ◽  

Indonesia, as the largest country in Southeast Asia, with vast natural resources and marine waters, the world's largest Muslim state, occupying the most important geostrategic position in the region, cannot but claim to be one of the key places on the Chinese “Аsian chessboard”. In connection with the rapid growth of the economic and political influence of the PRC, which is challenging America on the world stage, Indonesia undoubtedly seeks to take advantage of the current situation and take part in the implementation of Beijing's ambitious plans. Indonesian President Joko Widodo is implementing the concept of the country's economic development by strengthening all-round ties with China within the framework of the conjugation of the Indonesian national concept of the “global marine axis” with the Chinese megaproject “one belt – one road”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 236
Author(s):  
Ahmer Bilal ◽  
Xiaoping Li ◽  
Nanli Zhu ◽  
Ridhima Sharma ◽  
Atif Jahanger

This study explores the connection between technological innovation, globalization, and CO2 emissions by controlling the critical influence of information and communication technology (ICT) and economic growth in a panel of One Belt One Road (OBOR) countries from 1991 to 2019, utilizing advanced and robust econometric strategies (second generation). In addition, this study also uses an interaction variable (TI*GLOB) to check the interaction role of technological innovation on the linkage between globalization and CO2 emission, besides their direct effect on CO2 emissions in OBOR countries. The outcomes revealed that the linkage between technological innovation and CO2 emissions is negative, and statically significant in all the regions (e.g., OBOR, South Asia, East and Southeast Asia, MENA, Europe, and Central Asia). Moreover, the results of globalization show a significant positive relationship with CO2 emissions in OBOR and South Asia region. Nevertheless, it significantly negatively affects environmental pollution in East and Southeast Asia, MENA, Europe, and Central Asia. The results of TI*GLOB indicate that, for the OBOR sample, East and Southeast Asia, and Central Asia, the moderation effects of technological innovation with globalization are significantly negatively associated with CO2 emissions. However, in MENA and Europe, the interaction effect is a significant positive. The coefficient of ICT for OBOR, Europe, and Central Asia are positive and statistically significant; however, for East, Southeast Asia, and MENA regions, these results are statistically negative. Furthermore, the findings are robust, according to various robustness checks that we have performed for checking the reliability of our main findings. The study establishes numerous polities and makes various recommendations, in light of relevant conclusions.


1961 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. W. Small

It is generally accepted that history is an element of culture and the historian a member of society, thus, in Croce's aphorism, that the only true history is contemporary history. It follows from this that when there occur great changes in the contemporary scene, there must also be great changes in historiography, that the vision not merely of the present but also of the past must change.


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