Uncertain Times: The Reconstruction of China–US Relationship

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 19-27
Author(s):  
Weixing CHEN

The rise of China has shaken, to some extent, the pillars sustaining the US dominance in the world. Facing structural challenges from China, the United States has responded on three levels: political, strategic and policy. The Donald Trump administration has adopted a hard-line approach while attempting to engage China at the structural level. The China–US relationship is entering uncertain times, and the reconstruction of the relationship could take a decade.

Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (3) ◽  
pp. 776-781

Iran, the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, Germany, and the European Union agreed to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in July 2015. Under the JCPOA, Iran agreed to limit the scope and content of its nuclear program in exchange for relief from various nuclear-related sanctions imposed by the other signatories. Throughout his campaign, President Donald Trump denounced the JCPOA. He said that, if elected, he would “renegotiate with Iran—right after … enabl[ing] the immediate release of our American prisoners and ask[ing] Congress to impose new sanctions that stop Iran from having the ability to sponsor terrorism around the world.” So far, however, the Trump administration has kept the agreement in place. The United States has continued to acknowledge Iran's compliance with the terms of the JCPOA and has waived various sanctions against Iran in compliance with its own obligations thereunder. Iran, by contrast, has charged the United States with failing to live up to its own JCPOA commitments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
Agastya Wardhana

Respons terhadap COVID-19 dilakukan secara berbeda oleh negara di dunia, namun satu yang pasti adalah bahwa penanganan terhadap isu ini bergantung pada kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh negara. Hal ini dikarenakan COVID-19 tidak hanya merupakan permasalahan kesehatan tetapi juga permasalahan kebijakan. Dalam konteks ini, salah satu negara yang menjadi sorotan adalah Amerika Serikat. Sebagai negara yang memiliki berbagai keunggulan baik material maupun imaterial, Amerika Serikat tidak berhasil merespons COVID-19 dengan kebijakan yang tepat. Tulisan ini berangkat dari premis tersebut, bahwa parahnya pandemi COVID-19 di Amerika terjadi karena adanya kegagalan pemerintahan Trump untuk memformulasikan kebijakan respons yang tepat. Dalam menguraikan argumentasi tersebut, Tulisan ini terbagi dalam  tiga bagian, bagian pertama berisi kondisi umum COVID-19 di Amerika, bagian kedua berisi tentang analisis kegagalan pemerintahan Trump, dan bagian terakhir berisi simpulan serta pelajaran yang bisa kita ambil dari kegagalan penanganan COVID-19 di Amerika.Kata-kata Kunci: COVID-19, Amerika Serikat, Trump, Kegagalan, Ketidaktahuan yang disengaja Throughout the world, countries use different strategies to curb the COVID-19 spread. The one constant feature is that it is as much a policy problem as it is a medical one. The policy becomes increasingly important due to the infectious nature of the virus. Should a country failed to employ a working strategy, human lives are at stake. In this context, the United States became increasingly important to show that policy is essential to curb the virus. The United States had a vast array of resources ranging from medical experts to a well-prepared institution. Despite all that, the US is currently the worst country in the world in terms of the number of cases and death. This paper argues that this condition is the result of the Trump administration's failure to formulate a suitable and working strategy to curb the virus. The author will explore the argument in three sections. The first section gives a glimpse of COVID-19 in the US, the second section describes the US response to the virus, the third section explains the Trump administration failure, and the last part consists of the conclusion and lesson that we can learn from US failure.Keywords: COVID-19, United States, Trump, Failure, Willful Ignorance


Author(s):  
Matthew Kroenig

This chapter analyzes the rise of China and the threat it poses to the United States and its allies. Some argue that we must begin to come to grips with what life will be like “when China rules the world.” Others maintain that the rise of China and decline of the United States could result in World War III. Fortunately, these predictions are much too dire. This chapter argues that a China led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is unlikely become the world’s leading state. Its autocratic model is not well suited to building a world-beating, innovation economy, to winning friends and allies around the world; or to constructing a lethal military force with global power-projection capabilities. China has a storied past, and it will likely always remain a great power, but it is unlikely to overtake the United States as the world’s leading state any time soon.


2017 ◽  
pp. 10-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marijk Van der Wende

Globalization has strongly influenced higher education during the last decades. As in many other sectors, this has generated contradictory outcomes. Higher education has opened up to the world and become more engaged at the global level. But how will this process continue with the current backlash against globalization in Europe and the United States, and what will be the impact of other major geopolitical trends such as the rise of China?


Author(s):  
Salvatore Babones

Contrary to declinist narratives, the dominance of the United States in the contemporary world-system is increasingly solid and stable. The US economy remains vibrant, but the US benefits also from the desire of people to participate in the global economic system that has the United States at its core. The fact that the American Tianxia acts on an individual basis at least as much as on an international one massively privileges US individuals, organizations, and institutions. Others pay this price due to the network externalities gained from membership in the system. These flows counteract political entropy -- the tendency of imperial political systems to disintegrate. The American Tianxia thus does not fit the "new medievalism" model of international relations; as Vladimir Putin protests, it is a unipolar system with "one master, one sovereign." Advocates of a return to multipolarity (including Vladimir Putin) point to the rise of China as their main hope, but forecasts of China's continuing economic rise are vastly oversold.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK BEESON

AbstractThe ‘rise of China’ is seen by some observers as a precursor of inevitable hegemonic competition in East Asia. At the very least, it seems likely that China’s influence in East Asia will grow at the expense of the United States. Whether this will eventually amount to a form of ‘hegemonic transition’ is far less clear. It is, therefore, an opportune moment to consider the relative strengths and weaknesses of China and the US in East Asia. This paper suggests that the nature of hegemonic competition and transition is more uncertain and complex than some of the most influential theoretical understandings of hegemony would have us believe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 502-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick W. Mayer ◽  
Nicola Phillips

AbstractSince US President Donald J. Trump took office in January 2017, the future of the global economy has looked distinctly uncertain. This is not because a process of clear and purposeful change can be said to be underway. Instead, it is because of a pattern of piecemeal, inconsistent and contradictory fragments of policy, both domestic and international in orientation, in the arenas of trade, taxation, business relations, finance and banking, social and welfare provision, immigration, and environmental protection, whose cumulative significance remains unclear. The modest task of this essay is therefore to sketch the contours, patterns, inconsistencies and confusions presented by the Trump administration's approach to shaping the US economy and, by extension, the global economic order, and on that basis to offer an interpretation of its emerging implications for inequality both within the United States and across the world.


Author(s):  
Ellis S. Krauss

The US-Japan relationship has survived for three-quarters of a century, despite economic and security crises, and consistent pressure from the United States to build contribute more to the alliance and open its domestic markets. This chapter analyzes these developments since the US Occupation imposed its postwar “pacifist constitution” on Japan. That constitution’s pacifism was ignored almost from the beginning, but it left an indelible imprint on public opinion, opposition parties, and what (and how) the perennial conservative governments could accomplish in security relations and the alliance. The chapter shows how economic and security relations have been related, how major international changes and domestic politics have been intertwined, and how the three main approaches to international relations have characterized the relationship. Finally, we discuss the relationships’ successful management and some implications for Japan’s democracy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 004711782110592
Author(s):  
Jan Hornat

The United States has improved relations with no other country during the Trump administration as much as it advanced its relationship with India. US-India relations have arguably marked their historical high points since Trump entered office and India seems to be overcoming its suspicion of closer cooperation with the US. Given these developments, this article aims to theorize the relationship through the hegemonic stability theory and explain US strategy toward India. We first demonstrate why India is accepting the hegemonic standing of the US in the Indo-Pacific and then – since balance of power politics are still a staple of policymakers’ approach to stability in the Indo-Pacific – we introduce the notion of induced balancing to show what approach the United States has adopted to empower India to expand its balancing capacity vis-à-vis China. The last section of the article empirically maps the various incentives that Washington offers to New Delhi in order to situate it in the desired position of a proxy China-balancer.


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