Reading Complexity in Social Policy Contexts: The Value of Q Methodology

<p>Many social policy problems are recognised as complex and intractable, and hence necessitate analysts' having the capability to address them. Epistemological influences embedded in approaches to policy can impose constraints on the natural capacity and capability that people have to make sense out of particular experiences of complexity in the course of policy analysis work. Within the dominant policy approach adopted by policy analysts under the rubric of evidence-based policy, such complexity capability eschews any explicit role for opinion. However, the application of Q methodology by Michel van Eeten among others in a specific case of policy deliberation in the Netherlands, which had proven resistant to the standard, evidence-based policy analysis, shows that there could be a role for what is otherwise overlooked. Accordingly, this thesis examines the proposition that opinion indeed may play an important role in policymaking in complex and intractable situations. Q methodology is an established research methodology for acquiring and developing knowledge from a subjective standpoint. It has a growing record of successful application to public policy controversies, where solutions were made possible because opinion - and its everyday experiential rationality - were made available. Q methodology is also seen, however, as a marginal methodology. There has been insufficient explanation of why the application of Q methodology could make a positive difference to policy problems of a complex and intractable kind. The two research questions focus on the efficacy of Q methodology. Q methodology could make a difference in an adjunctive sense. It meets a policy need, namely to make opinion available as a complement to other evidence knowledge and thus adds to understanding of problems and solutions while remaining firmly within the prevailing evidence-based policy epistemology. Alternatively, Q methodology could make a difference of a transformative kind. It opens up a new epistemological space for doing policy analysis work with the power to create substantial policy-analytic change. To address these questions, the thesis develops an argument that establishes the linkages between pragmatism, complexity thinking and Q methodology and, in so doing, provides a path for understanding the role and place of opinion in policy making contexts. It proceeds through several stages which together make an epistemological argument for the efficacy of Q methodology. First, the nature of the policy problem is explicated as one of the separation of opinion from knowledge. Secondly, the thesis turns to a counter argument drawing on Peirce's pragmatism and his attention to abduction. In the next stage, dominant practice ideas about the capability needed to address complexity are critically examined, which shows that opinion is not valued in that practice. The success of van Eeten's work leads to a detailed examination of complexity in the policy context, and the claim that opinion is less problematical than are the overall epistemological choices made in policy analysis. Focusing on those epistemological choices, the argument draws together, in a fresh look, the thinking entailed in Q methodology in respect of its abductive logic and its theory of knowledge. Q methodology is shown to be a kind of science that allows objective fact to be approached from a subjective standpoint under experimental conditions. Finally, therefore, Q methodology is shown to open up an epistemological space quite unlike others. This makes the practice described as "reading complexity" in a real-world policy application possible.</p>

Reading Complexity in Social Policy Contexts: The Value of Q Methodology

<p>Many social policy problems are recognised as complex and intractable, and hence necessitate analysts' having the capability to address them. Epistemological influences embedded in approaches to policy can impose constraints on the natural capacity and capability that people have to make sense out of particular experiences of complexity in the course of policy analysis work. Within the dominant policy approach adopted by policy analysts under the rubric of evidence-based policy, such complexity capability eschews any explicit role for opinion. However, the application of Q methodology by Michel van Eeten among others in a specific case of policy deliberation in the Netherlands, which had proven resistant to the standard, evidence-based policy analysis, shows that there could be a role for what is otherwise overlooked. Accordingly, this thesis examines the proposition that opinion indeed may play an important role in policymaking in complex and intractable situations. Q methodology is an established research methodology for acquiring and developing knowledge from a subjective standpoint. It has a growing record of successful application to public policy controversies, where solutions were made possible because opinion - and its everyday experiential rationality - were made available. Q methodology is also seen, however, as a marginal methodology. There has been insufficient explanation of why the application of Q methodology could make a positive difference to policy problems of a complex and intractable kind. The two research questions focus on the efficacy of Q methodology. Q methodology could make a difference in an adjunctive sense. It meets a policy need, namely to make opinion available as a complement to other evidence knowledge and thus adds to understanding of problems and solutions while remaining firmly within the prevailing evidence-based policy epistemology. Alternatively, Q methodology could make a difference of a transformative kind. It opens up a new epistemological space for doing policy analysis work with the power to create substantial policy-analytic change. To address these questions, the thesis develops an argument that establishes the linkages between pragmatism, complexity thinking and Q methodology and, in so doing, provides a path for understanding the role and place of opinion in policy making contexts. It proceeds through several stages which together make an epistemological argument for the efficacy of Q methodology. First, the nature of the policy problem is explicated as one of the separation of opinion from knowledge. Secondly, the thesis turns to a counter argument drawing on Peirce's pragmatism and his attention to abduction. In the next stage, dominant practice ideas about the capability needed to address complexity are critically examined, which shows that opinion is not valued in that practice. The success of van Eeten's work leads to a detailed examination of complexity in the policy context, and the claim that opinion is less problematical than are the overall epistemological choices made in policy analysis. Focusing on those epistemological choices, the argument draws together, in a fresh look, the thinking entailed in Q methodology in respect of its abductive logic and its theory of knowledge. Q methodology is shown to be a kind of science that allows objective fact to be approached from a subjective standpoint under experimental conditions. Finally, therefore, Q methodology is shown to open up an epistemological space quite unlike others. This makes the practice described as "reading complexity" in a real-world policy application possible.</p>

Moving Beyond Love and Luck: Building Right Relationships and Respecting Lived Experience in New Zealand Autism Policy

<p>Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) diagnoses have been rising rapidly in recent years and New Zealand is just one country grappling with the policy challenges this presents. Currently, love, such as a supportive family, and luck, that appropriate services are available, are required by people with autism and their families for good outcomes, a situation that is neither equitable nor sustainable. Autism was first named as a separate condition in 1943. The concept of autism has developed significantly since then in many ways, including as the cultural identity that many autistic adults now claim. Influenced by the international disability rights movement and local activism, New Zealand policy is now based on the social model of disability, whereby society as a whole has responsibility for removing disabling barriers. In 1997, a New Zealand mother, unable to find appropriate support at a time of crisis, killed her autistic daughter. A decade of policy work followed, leading to the 2008 publication of the New Zealand Autism Spectrum Disorder Guideline (Ministries of Health and Education, 2008) which is the first whole-of-spectrum, whole-of-life, whole-of-government, best practice approach in the world to address the extensive issues surrounding ASD. Prioritisation and initial attempts at implementation revealed new problems. The complexity, lack of simple solutions and fragmentation of autism policy indicates that this is a 'wicked' policy problem. To move beyond this situation requires innovative and collaborative approaches. The 'transformative paradigm' is a research methodology which builds on recent developments in participatory and emancipatory research, and disciplines such as disability studies. It advocates approaches based on mixed methods, social justice, ethics and partnership, so is particularly suited to examining a problem such as autism, and indicating ways forward. There is untapped expertise among those with lived experience of autism and their families to tackle the 'wicked' aspects of autism, but to harness this expertise requires relationship building which addresses power imbalances and past injustices. This thesis analyses New Zealand autism policy and suggests ways this lived experience could be better respected and incorporated into policy processes, in an attempt to move past the currently required variables of love and luck.</p>

Moving Beyond Love and Luck: Building Right Relationships and Respecting Lived Experience in New Zealand Autism Policy

<p>Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) diagnoses have been rising rapidly in recent years and New Zealand is just one country grappling with the policy challenges this presents. Currently, love, such as a supportive family, and luck, that appropriate services are available, are required by people with autism and their families for good outcomes, a situation that is neither equitable nor sustainable. Autism was first named as a separate condition in 1943. The concept of autism has developed significantly since then in many ways, including as the cultural identity that many autistic adults now claim. Influenced by the international disability rights movement and local activism, New Zealand policy is now based on the social model of disability, whereby society as a whole has responsibility for removing disabling barriers. In 1997, a New Zealand mother, unable to find appropriate support at a time of crisis, killed her autistic daughter. A decade of policy work followed, leading to the 2008 publication of the New Zealand Autism Spectrum Disorder Guideline (Ministries of Health and Education, 2008) which is the first whole-of-spectrum, whole-of-life, whole-of-government, best practice approach in the world to address the extensive issues surrounding ASD. Prioritisation and initial attempts at implementation revealed new problems. The complexity, lack of simple solutions and fragmentation of autism policy indicates that this is a 'wicked' policy problem. To move beyond this situation requires innovative and collaborative approaches. The 'transformative paradigm' is a research methodology which builds on recent developments in participatory and emancipatory research, and disciplines such as disability studies. It advocates approaches based on mixed methods, social justice, ethics and partnership, so is particularly suited to examining a problem such as autism, and indicating ways forward. There is untapped expertise among those with lived experience of autism and their families to tackle the 'wicked' aspects of autism, but to harness this expertise requires relationship building which addresses power imbalances and past injustices. This thesis analyses New Zealand autism policy and suggests ways this lived experience could be better respected and incorporated into policy processes, in an attempt to move past the currently required variables of love and luck.</p>

Az önkormányzati politika központi és lokális feltételeinek alakulása krízisidőszakokban

Az elmúlt több mint egy évtized során a magyarországi helyi önkormányzatok legalább két kívülről eredő exogén jellegű krízisszituációt éltek és élnek át jelenleg is. Ezek jellegüknél fogva különbözőek: több mint egy évtizede a 2008–2009-esgazdasági és pénzügyi világválság és vele a globális világgazdaság káros turbulenciáinak való kitettség (például önkormányzati devizaadósság, beszűkülő fiskális mozgástér és romló állami finanszírozás), a 2020–2021-es Covid-19-járvány okozta pandémia időszakában közvetlenül az egészségügyi veszélyhelyzet, közvetett módon pedig a gazdasági visszaesés okozta krízisek jelentettek rendszerszintű, paradigmatikus hatású kihívást a helyhatóságok számára. A közpolitikai változás (policy change) és közpolitikai probléma (policy problem), valamint a közpolitikai válság, krízis (policy crisis) nemzetközi szakirodalma által használatos fogalomrendszer mentén vizsgáljuk a központi (parlamenti, kormányzati) jogalkotásnak az önkormányzati szektorra gyakorolt hatásait a két krízis során. Szintetizáljuk az alkalmazott alkotmányos, közjogi eszközöket, a két válság időszakában fennálló politikai (parlamenti, kormányzati) környezetet, valamint az önkormányzati szektor mozgásterét, lehetőségeit. Tanulmányunk fontos elemzési dimenziója, hogy a központi döntési szintnek krízisszituációban hozott döntései (például törvényalkotás, önkormányzatok állami finanszírozása, különleges jogrend során hozott kormányrendeletek) tartalmukat tekintve nemcsak a problémák feloldásának irányába mutathatnak, hanem akár új „konfliktuskonténereket” is nyithatnak ki.

Education governance and the role of the headteacher: The new policy problem in Scottish education

As part of the current Review of Education Governance in Scotland, the Headteachers’ Charter is perceived as a central policy solution. The Charter changes the responsibilities of the headteacher by altering the relationship between headteacher and local authority, and thereby bringing about changes to the governance of education. If these changes are perceived as the solution, what is the perceived policy problem? This article examines policy documents to explore the policy problem using Bacchi's (2012a) ‘what's the problem represented to be’ (WPR) approach, which uses a framework of six questions to analyse policy texts. The article begins with a brief overview of the policy programme, the ‘Empowerment Agenda’. The article discusses Bacchi's WPR analysis framework and then presents the findings, using this framework. The article ends with a discussion of the impact of the reform of educational governance including the Headteachers’ Charter on the role of the headteacher.

Governing Precarious Immigrant Workers in Rural Localities: Emerging Local Migration Regimes in Portugal

Over the last decades, the globalization of the food and agriculture sector has fueled international labor migration to rural areas in Southern Europe. Portugal is no exception to this trend, as the intensification of foreign investment in agriculture combined with a declining and ageing workforce created a demand for flexible immigrant labor. The Eastern European and Asian immigrant workers who answered the industry’s call were confronted with poor working conditions and lacking access to public services. In this article, we zoom in on the governance challenge that the presence of precarious immigrant workers (PIWs) poses to rural municipalities in the south of Portugal. The burgeoning literature on local integration policies mainly focuses on how cities deal with the challenge posed by international labor migration. This article draws on a detailed case study of the municipality of Odemira to argue that more attention needs to be paid to emerging local migration regimes in non-urban localities. By adopting a regime-theoretical approach, we study how power relations between the local government, civil society, and the private sector play out around the question of immigrant reception. Our study suggests that immigration policies in rural localities are increasingly being developed through cooperation and coproduction between public and private actors. First, we demonstrate how the presence of PIWs is perceived as a policy “problem” by each actor. Second, we outline how a governing coalition formed around the shared concern to improve arrival infrastructures, stimulate integration, mediate socio-cultural impact, and accommodate business interests. We conclude by critically questioning the impact that emerging local migration regimes have on the rights and social position of PIWs in rural contexts.

Deliberative Mini-Publics and the European Green Deal in Turbulent Times: The Irish and French Climate Assemblies

Innovative forms of deliberative democracy are gaining traction in governing responses to climate change in Europe and beyond. Proponents of deliberative democracy have drawn attention to its particular suitability for shaping responses to environmental challenges. Citizen engagement and participation is also a prominent feature of the European Green Deal. This article considers the relationship between turbulence and deliberative democracy in the context of climate transitions, exploring when and how such democratic innovations are likely to generate turbulence in the governance of climate transitions. A framework is developed that focuses on three important sets of characteristics of deliberative mini-publics (DMPs): (a) the nature of their formal mandates and the ways in which climate change is framed as a policy problem; (b) the nature of participation and the degree to which the participants are empowered to shape the deliberative processes in which they participate; and (c) the degree to which DMPs are coupled with relevant policymaking processes. This framework is used to explore two recent and high-profile cases of a particular type of DMP: citizens’ assemblies in Ireland and France. The article contributes to the literatures on turbulent governance and deliberative democracy by reflecting on key dimensions of DMPs from the analytical perspective of turbulent governance.

From education to welfare – A historical-exploratory approach for examining the role of madrassas

Much is written on the history of madrassas and their contributions to scholarship. In addition, several scholars have done considerable research to identify the causes of madrassas' growth, determine the linkage of madrassa education with breeding extremist ideologies and suggested possible areas for reforms. This particular aspect has been the topic of scholarly debates and a policy problem faced by many governments and international agencies, i.e., how madrassas can be reformed. However, not much literature could be located that draws parallels and dissimilarities between the madrassas of the golden age and the current era. This is important because any reform or policy is unlikely to succeed without considering a problem's historical and contextual factors. Hence this study adopts a historical-exploratory approach to identify the similarities and differences between the madrassas of the golden age of Islam and present times and explore the causes of such differences by utlising the case study of madrassas in Pakistan. Addressing these issues will make the following contributions: First, identifying the similarities and dissimilarities between the madrassas of the golden age and modern times requires a detailed exploration of madrassas' current state and their role, of which little is known. Second, identifying the factors responsible for the differences in madrassas' role from the golden age to modern times will help understand the implications of such differences on madrassas and society. Lastly, such implications will answer the repeated calls in the literature of formulating policies for reforming the madrassas that have been a significant policy problem faced by many countries.

The Policy Capacity of Bureaucracy

Bureaucracy is one of the oldest institutions of a government system. Its role and importance have grown immensely in modern government systems. Bureaucrats or public administrators are indispensable in the policy decision making process in the 21st century. From the early conception as a branch of government responsible for the implementation of policy decisions and everyday functioning, bureaucracy has assumed a more active role in the policymaking process. It has gone through many reforms; however, these reforms have been largely incremental and static. While the external environment or the problems faced by bureaucracy is continuously evolving, the change in bureaucracy has not been in the same proportion. In the 21st century, many issues confronting bureaucracy are not only wicked but also global in nature. Moreover, challenges posed by technological disruptions and long-term processes such as climate change put bureaucracy at all levels of a government in a far trickier position than their earlier envisaged basic functions. In dealing with such challenges, the policy capacity of bureaucracy cannot be taken for granted. There are often significant gaps in capacity to anticipate a policy problem, to ensure coordination and preserve legitimacy, to translate global issues at local levels, and to learn from the past. It is crucial to strengthen analytical capacity at the individual and organizational level, operational capacity at the organizational level, and political capacity at the systems level to address these gaps. Tackling capacity gaps systematically would enable bureaucracy to design and implement policy and administrative reforms with a long-term vision of adaptation and evolution instead of merely in reactive mode. The policy capacity framework presented in this article is useful in identifying the capacity gaps that inhibit bureaucracy from evolving and the remedies to address these gaps.