Abstract 29: Optimization Methodologies to Enhance Endovascular Thrombectomy Access in the United States

Stroke ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (Suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amrou Sarraj ◽  
James C Grotta ◽  
Sheryl Martin-Schild ◽  
Haris Kamal ◽  
Anjail Z Sharrief ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Ischemic Stroke ◽  
The United States ◽  
Direct Access ◽  
Optimization Models ◽  
Stroke Outcome ◽  
Endovascular Thrombectomy ◽  
The Us ◽  
Timely Access ◽  
Optimization Methodology

Background: Timely access to endovascular thrombectomy (EVT) centers is vital for best stroke outcome. We map current EVT access in the US then utilize modeling to optimize it. Methods: US designated stroke centers were mapped utilizing geo-mapping and stratified into EVT or non-EVT if they reported ≥1 thrombectomy code for acute ischemic stroke in 2017 to CMS. Direct EVT access, defined as the population with the closest facility to EVT centers, was calculated from validated trauma models adapted for stroke. Current 15 and 30 min access were described nationwide and in 4 states (TX, NY, CA, IL). Two optimization models were utilized. Model A used a greedy algorithm to capture the largest population with direct access when flipping 10 non-EVT to EVT centers to maximize access. Model B used bypassing methodology to directly transport patients to EVT centers within 15 min from the closest non-EVT center. Results: Of 1941 stroke centers, 714 were EVT. Approximately 99 million/32% Americans have direct EVT access within 15 min while 111 million (36.0%) within 30 minutes (Fig 1). There were 65 (43%) EVT centers in TX with 22% current 15 min access. Flipping the top 10 population density hospitals improved access to 32%, while bypassing resulted in 46% having direct access to EVT centers (fig 2 A-B). Direct access in CA was 26% which improved to 35% with flipping and 54% by 15 min bypassing from the closest non-EVT to EVT centers. Similar results were found in NY (current 21%, flipping 39%, bypassing 50%) and IL (15%, 27% and 35%, respectively), Tab 1. Conclusion: EVT access within 15 min is limited to less than 1/3 of the US population. Optimization methodology that increase EVT centers or bypass non-EVT to the closest EVT center both showed enhanced access. Results varied by states based on the population size and density. However, bypass showed more potential for maximizing direct EVT access. National and state efforts should focus on identifying gaps and tailoring solutions to improve EVT access.

scholarly journals Endovascular Thrombectomy for Acute Ischemic Strokes

Stroke ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 1207-1217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amrou Sarraj ◽  
Sean Savitz ◽  
Deep Pujara ◽  
Haris Kamal ◽  
Kirsten Carroll ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Ischemic Stroke ◽  
Acute Ischemic Stroke ◽  
State Level ◽  
Direct Access ◽  
Ca Current ◽  
Endovascular Thrombectomy ◽  
Stroke Outcomes ◽  
The Us ◽  
Timely Access ◽  
Drive Time

Background and Purpose— Timely access to endovascular thrombectomy (EVT) centers is vital for best acute ischemic stroke outcomes. Methods— US stroke-treating centers were mapped utilizing geo-mapping and stratified into non-EVT or EVT if they reported ≥1 acute ischemic stroke thrombectomy code in 2017 to Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services. Direct EVT-access, defined as the population with the closest facility being an EVT-center, was calculated from validated trauma-models adapted for stroke. Current 15- and 30-minute access were described nationwide and at state-level with emphasis on 4 states (TX, NY, CA, IL). Two optimization models were utilized. Model-A used a greedy algorithm to capture the largest population with direct access when flipping 10% and 20% non-EVT to EVT-centers to maximize access. Model-B used bypassing methodology to directly transport patients to the nearest EVT centers if the drive-time difference from the geo-centroid to hospital was within 15 minutes from the geo-centroid to the closest non-EVT center. Results— Of 1941 stroke-centers, 713 (37%) were EVT. Approximately 61 million (19.8%) Americans have direct EVT access within 15 minutes while 95 million (30.9%) within 30 minutes. There were 65 (43%) EVT centers in TX with 22% of the population currently within 15-minute access. Flipping 10% hospitals with top population density improved access to 30.8%, while bypassing resulted in 45.5% having direct access to EVT centers. Similar results were found in NY (current, 20.9%; flipping, 34.7%; bypassing, 50.4%), CA (current, 25.5%; flipping, 37.3%; bypassing, 53.9%), and IL (current, 15.3%; flipping, 21.9%; bypassing, 34.6%). Nationwide, the current direct access within 15 minutes of 19.8% increased by 7.5% by flipping the top 10% non-EVT to EVT-capable in all states. Bypassing non-EVT centers by 15 minutes resulted in a 16.7% gain in coverage. Conclusions— EVT-access within 15 minutes is limited to less than one-fifth of the US population. Optimization methodologies that increase EVT centers or bypass non-EVT to the closest EVT center both showed enhanced access. Results varied by states based on the population size and density. However, bypass showed more potential for maximizing direct EVT-access. National and state efforts should focus on identifying gaps and tailoring solutions to improve EVT-access.

Endovascular Thrombectomy after Large-Vessel Ischemic Stroke: Utilization, Outcomes, and Readmissions across the United States

Radiology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 299 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-189
Author(s):  
Pedram Golnari ◽  
Pouya Nazari ◽  
Sameer A. Ansari ◽  
Michael C. Hurley ◽  
Ali Shaibani ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Ischemic Stroke ◽  
The United States ◽  
Large Vessel ◽  
Endovascular Thrombectomy

Abstract WMP50: Age-Specific Female-Male Disparities in Endovascular Thrombectomy Use for Acute Ischemic Stroke in the United States

Stroke ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (Suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamidreza Saber ◽  
Amytis Towfighi ◽  
David S Liebeskind ◽  
Jeffrey L Saver
Keyword(s):  
Ischemic Stroke ◽  
Acute Ischemic Stroke ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Reperfusion Therapy ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Inpatient Sample ◽  
Endovascular Thrombectomy ◽  
Age Related ◽  
The Us ◽  
Age And Sex

Introduction: Studies have suggested sex-related and age-related variations in frequency of reperfusion therapy, but have been limited by constrained geographic scope, data from before the modern thrombectomy era, and incomplete exploration of sex-related differences in discrete age ranges. We therefore analyzed sex-, age-, and sex-age interaction in the frequency of endovascular thrombectomy (EVT) for acute ischemic stroke in the US National Inpatient Sample. Methods: In the National Inpatient Sample , we identified all adult ischemic stroke EVT hospitalizations from 2010-2016, using ICD-9-CM and ICD-10-CM codes. Patient age was categorized as: <50y, 50-59y, 60-69y, 70-79y and ≥80ys. Rates of use of EVT were assessed standardized to the 2010 US Census population. Results: Among 50,573 EVT hospitalizations, 50.1% were female. The number of EVTs increased from 4091 in 2010 to 12,875 in 2016. Over the entire 7y time period, a sex-age interaction was noted: 49% in <50y; 37% in 50-59y; 35% in 60-69y; 53% in 70-79y; and 66% in ≥80y. This sex-age interaction was present as well for EVT rates per 100,000 individuals in the population, with the total ratio of female to male rate of EVT per 100,000: 0.93 for in <50y; 0.52 in 50-59y; 0.58 in 60-69y; 0.91 in 70-79y; and 1.1 in ≥80y. EVT utilization rates increased substantially over time in both men and women in all age groups. However, the ratio of women to men per 100,000 receiving EVT changed for only one age range, decreasing among <50y from 0.98 in 2010 to 0.79 in 2016 (P<0.05). Conclusion: While half of all endovascular thrombectomies in the US are performed in women, there are major age-related sex-specific variations in EVT rates, with rates of EVT much lower among women than men in 50-70 age group. Determinants of these age-specific female-male disparities in EVT treatment merit detailed investigation. Figure: Age- and sex-specific female to male thrombectomy utilization rates.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

Pathways to Legalization: Undocumented Mexican Immigrants in the US/Mexico Borderlands, 1942–1956

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Extended Family ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Immigrant ◽  
Agricultural Laborers ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Contract Laborers

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.

Changes in Perceptions of Filipino Immigrants about Themselves and of Americans Before and After Coming to the United States

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gremil Alessandro Naz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Symbolic Interaction ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Appraisal Theory ◽  
American Values ◽  
The Us ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Symbolic Interaction Theory ◽  
Filipino Immigrants

<p>This paper examines the changes in Filipino immigrants’ perceptions about themselves and of Americans before and after coming to the United States. Filipinos have a general perception of themselves as an ethnic group. They also have perceptions about Americans whose media products regularly reach the Philippines. Eleven Filipinos who have permanently migrated to the US were interviewed about their perceptions of Filipinos and Americans. Before coming to the US, they saw themselves as hardworking, family-oriented, poor, shy, corrupt, proud, adaptable, fatalistic, humble, adventurous, persevering, gossipmonger, and happy. They described Americans as rich, arrogant, educated, workaholic, proud, powerful, spoiled, helpful, boastful, materialistic, individualistic, talented, domineering, friendly, accommodating, helpful, clean, and kind. Most of the respondents changed their perceptions of Filipinos and of Americans after coming to the US. They now view Filipinos as having acquired American values or “Americanized.” On the other hand, they stopped perceiving Americans as a homogenous group possessing the same values after they got into direct contact with them. The findings validate social perception and appraisal theory, and symbolic interaction theory.</p>

The Riddle of a Common History

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
The United States ◽  
History Textbooks ◽  
Recent History ◽  
History Textbook ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Constant Part ◽  
Intrinsic Component

By identifying two general issues in recent history textbook controversies worldwide (oblivion and inclusion), this article examines understandings of the United States in Mexico's history textbooks (especially those of 1992) as a means to test the limits of historical imagining between U. S. and Mexican historiographies. Drawing lessons from recent European and Indian historiographical debates, the article argues that many of the historical clashes between the nationalist historiographies of Mexico and the United States could be taught as series of unsolved enigmas, ironies, and contradictions in the midst of a central enigma: the persistence of two nationalist historiographies incapable of contemplating their common ground. The article maintains that lo mexicano has been a constant part of the past and present of the US, and lo gringo an intrinsic component of Mexico's history. The di erences in their historical tracks have been made into monumental ontological oppositions, which are in fact two tracks—often overlapping—of the same and shared con ictual and complex experience.

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