The Final-over-Final Condition, Stringency, and Typological Structure

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 765-784
Author(s):  
Natalie DelBusso
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Structure Parameter ◽  
Property Theory ◽  
Empirical Generalization ◽  
Property Analysis ◽  
Typological Structure

The Final-over-Final Condition (FOFC; Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts 2014 , et seq.) describes an empirical generalization about possible crosslinguistic word orders. This article presents an Optimality Theory account that derives FOFC using constraints in a stringency relationship. It analyzes the resulting typology through Property Theory ( Alber, DelBusso, and Prince 2016 , Alber and Prince in preparation ). A property analysis explicates the internal structure of the typological space, showing how it explains the condition and how the same structure occurs more generally in stringency systems. The theoretical explanation is compared with that in another theory of typological structure, Parameter Hierarchies ( Roberts 2012 ).

Summing constraints in and across properties

Phonology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-381
Author(s):  
Wm. G. Bennett ◽  
Natalie DelBusso
Keyword(s):  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Full System ◽  
Property Theory ◽  
Property Analysis ◽  
General Constraints ◽  
Constraint Set ◽  
Systematic Effects ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Work in Optimality Theory on the constraint set, Con, has often raised the question of whether certain types of constraints have multiple specific versions or are single general constraints that effectively sum the violations of specific variants. Comparing and evaluating analyses that differ in this way requires knowing the effect of this kind of summing on the full typology, which itself depends on the relationship of summands in the full system. Such relationships can be difficult to ascertain from inspecting violation profiles alone. This paper uses Property Theory to analyse the systematic effects of summing constraints in two distinct kinds of relationships: (i) across distinct properties, and (ii) within a constraint class in a single property. The results show how these two types collapse the typology in different, yet predictable, ways. Property Analysis provides a key to identifying constraint relationships and so to delineating the effect of summing.

A featural analysis of the Modern Roman Alphabet

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Primus
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Roman Alphabet

The present article shows that the letters of the Modern Roman Alphabet have an internal structure that is highly systematic in both inner-graphematic and functional-phonological terms. The framework of analysis is Optimality Theory. This approach is congenial for the data at issue as many apparently unmotivated exceptions are optimal choices among competing candidates that are evaluated by violable ranked constraints. The results of the present investigation corroborate a branching correspondence model in which general modality-independent constraints such as dependency, compositionality, markedness and iconism are shown to have independent modality-specific instantiations in speech and writing with bidirectional correspondences serving as functional links across modalities.

Constraints in Verbal Compounding

1998 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 39-64
Author(s):  
Sang-Cheol Ahn
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Dominance Hierarchy ◽  
Dominance Relation ◽  
Optimal Selection ◽  
Surface Form ◽  
Morphological Studies ◽  
Selection Of

The purpose of this paper is two fold. First, I will examine the internal structure of the N-V-i construction, in terms of the constraints on argument linking. I will incorporate the major concepts in current morphological studies (Sproat 1985, Di Sciullo &1 Williams 1987, and Grimshaw 1990). As for the related issues in Korean, I will reexamine the earlier studies of Ahn (1985), Sohn (1987), H.-Y. Kim (1990), Yu-Cho (1994), and Shi (1993, 1995). Then, I will provide a new categorization of compounds in terms of morpho-lexical and semantic consideration. I will test this categorization phonologically. Second, I will examine several constraints on the selection of a proper nominalizing suffixal form. For this part, I will employ the framework of the Optimality Theory by Prince & Smolensky (1993) and McCarthy & Prince (1993, 1994). Here I will propose five major constraints and their dominance hierarchy and show how these constraints and the dominance relation can account for the optimal selection of the surface form.

scholarly journals Learning with Properties: Restrictiveness and Typological Structure*

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie DelBusso
Keyword(s):  
Learning Algorithm ◽  
Property Values ◽  
Property Analysis ◽  
Level Information ◽  
Typological Structure ◽  
Phonological System

A learner's task is to find the most restrictive grammar consistent with the data of their language. This paper develops an OT learning algorithm that incorporates typological-level information from Property Analysis to increase restrictiveness and successfully learn subset languages. Based on Tesar's (2014) Output-Driven Learner (ODL), Property-ODL (PODL) uses ERCs taken from property values encoding specific markedness > faithfulness rankings. PODL was tested in a learning simulation for the phonological system in Tesar (2014), Paka, which presents the challenging case of languages in paradigmatic subset relations. In ODL, these require additional methods to be learned. PODL eliminates the need for these in learning the paradigmatic subsets and overall reduces the use of less-tested methods in learning the grammars of the typology. 

scholarly journals The Holographic Principle: Typological Analysis Using Lower Dimensions

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nazarre Merchant ◽  
Martin Krämer
Keyword(s):  
Property Values ◽  
Holographic Principle ◽  
Complete Analysis ◽  
Property Theory ◽  
Property Analysis ◽  
Two Systems

A moderately complex factorial typology may consist of hundreds of languages which can opaquely encode linguistically salient categories and generalizations. We propose in this paper that complex typologies can be decomposed and understood using what we call the holographic principle: a large typology can be projected onto simplified versions of itself which can be completely understood using Property Theory (Alber & Prince 2016). The simplified versions can then be re-incorporated into the original in such a way that the properties of the simple are maintained and provide a framework for analyzing the full system.In this paper, we demonstrate this using two systems, a basic stringency system (BSS), and a coda stringency system (CSS). We show how a complete analysis of BSS, using Property Theory, provides fundamental insights into the more complicated CSS which BSS is a simplification of. A property analysis is a set of properties that divide the languages of the typology in such a way that each language and its grammar can be identified uniquely by its property values. Such an analysis identifies the crucial rankings among constraints that distinguish all grammars of the typology so that languages that share property values share extensional traits. 

scholarly journals The intensional and the extensional properties of Headed Agreement By Correspondence

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luca Iacoponi
Keyword(s):  
Basic Structure ◽  
Input Output ◽  
Property Theory ◽  
Property Analysis ◽  
Output Mapping ◽  
Formal Properties ◽  
Candidate Set

The goal of the paper is to analyze the relation between the data (the set of all possible input-output mapping generated by an OT system) and the theory (the ranking conditions that generate each grammar) for an OT system <GENHABC, CONHABC> (abbreviated SHABC) that includes crucial constraints and candidates from Headed Agreement By Correspondence (Iacoponi, 2015) using property theory (Alber and Prince, in prep., a.o.).Such an analysis is important for three reasons. First, since the analysis concerns the structure of a basic HABC typology, it significantly facilitates the study of the differences between HABC and the theories which it extends, namely ABC, and ABCD (Hansson 2001/2010; Rose & Walker 2004; Bennett 2013). Second, as shown in Alber and Prince (in prep.) and in Bennett, DelBusso and Iacoponi (2016), the study of the properties of a system is useful when the system is extended to include more constraints or candidates. Finding the basic structure of a typology not only deepens our understanding of the theory, but it also significantly facilitates the analysis of its extended sub-systems, allowing us to rigorously study the effect the different components (such as classes of candidates or specific constraints) have on the theory. Finally, by using the property analysis of a typology, it is possible to validate the universality of the support used to obtain the typology (see Alber, DelBusso and Prince, 2015).The paper is organized as follows. In section 1, I introduce the two core theories the paper builds on: Headed Agreement By Correspondence (HABC) and the formal properties of OT typologies. Section 2 contains the definitions of the constraints and of the candidate set. Section 3 discusses the typology, and the relation between its intensional and extensional properties. 

scholarly journals Observed Lithium Abundances as a Test of Stellar Internal Structure

1988 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 13-14
Author(s):  
Sylvie Vauclair
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Effective Temperature ◽  
Time Scale ◽  
Convection Zone ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Diffusion Time ◽  
Lithium Abundance ◽  
Galactic Clusters ◽  
F Stars ◽  
Radiative Acceleration

The “lithium gap” observed in the Hyades and other galactic clusters by Ann Boesgaard and her collaborators (Boesgaard and Tripicco 1986, Boesgaard 1987, Boesgaard, Budge and Burck 1987) gives a challenge to theoreticians. Indeed a good fit between the theoretical results and the observations will give a clue for our understanding of the stellar internal structure and evolution.A theoretical explanation of the “lithium gap” by gravitational and radiative diffusion has been proposed by Michaud 1986. In G type stars, the convection zone is too deep for gravitational settling to take place: the density at the bottom of the convection zone is so large that the diffusion time scale exceeds the age of the star. Increasing the effective temperature leads to a decrease of the convection zone, and consequently to a decrease of the diffusion time scale. In F stars it becomes smaller than the stellar age, leading qualitatively to a lithium abundance decrease as observed. When the convection zone is shallow enough, the radiative acceleration on lithium becomes important as lithium is in the hydrogenic form of li III (while it is a bare nucleus, li IV, deeper in the star). This radiative acceleration may prevent lithium settling for hotter F stars. This is a very attractive explanation, which leads to a minimum of the lithium abundance nearly at the place where it is observed in effective temperature. However it suffers from some difficulties: the theory predicts an increase of the lithium abundance larger than normal in the hottest F stars, which is not observed, and the predicted minimum lithium abundance is one or two orders of magnitude higher than the minimum observed in the Hyades. The former may be overcome if mass loss occurs in these stars (Michaud 86). Let us focus on the latter.

scholarly journals Gradual Vowel Epenthesis in Urban Hijazi Arabic

Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 160
Author(s):  
Faisal M. Al-Mohanna
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Theoretical Foundation ◽  
Vowel Quality ◽  
Vowel Epenthesis ◽  
Paradoxical Situation ◽  
Harmonic Serialism ◽  
Constraint Hierarchy ◽  
Epenthetic Vowel

In this paper, vowel epenthesis in Urban Hijazi Arabic is analysed as a process of gradual structural build-up. Harmonic Serialism, a derivational framework of Optimality Theory, provides the theoretical foundation to illustrate the arguments. Rather than epenthesising an entire vowel all at once, featural structure progressively increases in successive steps. This accumulation continues until the required vowel quality is achieved. Specifically, the constraint hierarchy predicts high epenthetic vowels to occur in closed syllables and the low epenthetic vowel in open syllables. The same constraint hierarchy, however, is also expected to predict both gradual epenthesis and gradual deletion. In that regard, a seemingly paradoxical situation is created when the very same intermediate vowel quality is achieved through accumulation or attrition of featural structure. This particular vowel quality, in exactly the same environment, will have to continue gaining internal structure towards epenthesis or continue losing internal structure towards deletion. Eventually, identifying the path that the derivation takes to reach a certain vowel will help to resolve the issue.

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