Belanda Hitam: the Indo-African Communities on Java

2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ineke van Kessel

AbstractMost of the successive groups of African immigrants to the Indonesian archipelago have disappeared without trace, or at least without leaving recognisable descendants. The Belanda Hitam or Black Dutchmen are the one exception. Belanda Hitam was the Malay name given to some 3,000 soldiers from West Africa who were recruited for the Dutch colonial army between 1831 and 1872, and to the Indo-African descendants of these African soldiers and their Indonesian wives. From the 1830s until Indonesian independence, the African soldiers, their Indonesian wives and their Indo-African off spring formed small but vibrant communities in the garrison towns of Java, mainly in Batavia, Semarang, Salatiga, Solo and Purworejo. This article, largely based on interviews with descendants now living in the Netherlands, explores life in these Indo-African communities, with a particular focus on Purworejo.1

1957 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert van Niel

This year academic circles in the Netherlands are celebrating the centennial of the birth of C. Snouck Hurgronje; Arabist, scholar of Indonesian affairs, and formateur of Dutch colonial policy. Most Dutch scholars and many students of Indonesian affairs would readily agree that few men have had as intimate acquaintance with the Indonesian archipelago and its people and have had as wide a reputation as an expert on this part of the world as the late Snouck Hurgronje. Unfortunately his writings and policies are known to English-reading scholars only at second hand. Except for a few brief articles, only his books, Mekka and The Achehnese, and his lectures in Mohammedanism have appeared in English. Other important writings have appeared in German and French, but the great bulk are in Dutch. There are presently plans to translate some parts of Snouck Hurgronje's collected works and also to make available certain writings which were done after the collected works were published, but the publication plans for these translations and reprints are still indefinite.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-121
Author(s):  
Nurfadzilah Yahaya

This chapter explores the jurisdictional problems that Arab populations experienced under Dutch colonial rule. The one thing that the Dutch feared above all else was not the slippage of Arab identity into the category of “Natives” but rather the possible equation of Arabs with themselves, Europeans. The possibility of fluid jurisdictions horrified Dutch authorities. The chapter examines the attempt by the Arab elite in the Netherlands Indies to appeal to Ottoman protection as subjects potentially led to a paradigm of diplomacy in the colony that inadvertently allowed some colonial subjects more latitude than the Dutch colonialists intended for them since they certainly did not possess equal status. The chapter also discusses how the Arab affairs — and one might even argue Muslim affairs in general — remained to some extent in Arab hands in the Netherlands Indies through the symbiotic relationships between colonial officials and the Arab elite.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Tijn van Beurden ◽  
Joost Jonker

Analysing Curaçao as an offshore financial centre from its inception to its gradual decline, we find that it originated and evolved in close concert with the demand for such services from Western countries. Dutch banks and multinationals spearheaded the creation of institutions on the island facilitating tax avoidance. In this they were aided and abetted by their government, which firmly supported the Antilles in getting access to bilateral tax treaties, notably the one with the United States. Until the mid 1980s Curaçao flourished, but then found it increasingly difficult to keep a competitive advantage over other offshore centres. Meanwhile the Curaçao connection had enabled the Netherlands to turn itself into a hub for international revenue flows that today still feed both Dutch tax income and specialised financial, legal and accounting services.


1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. J. Hudson

Relations between Australia and Indonesia became strained within months of Indonesia's attainment of independence, deteriorating as conflict developed first on the question of West Irian and then as a result of Indonesia's hostility towards Malaysia. For many years, it seemed ironical that Australia should have played a major part in the emergence of a neighbour whose external policies and internal trends endangered rather than safeguarded Australian interests. But there is more involved here than historical irony in the context of Australian-Indonesian relations. Sufficient time has now elapsed for Australian policy on the Indonesian independence question to be seen in the wider context of the whole postwar phenomenon of decolonisation. For it is not merely of interest that Australia should have assisted neighbouring Asian rebels against a European colonial Power (remembering that Australia herself was, and is, a European colonial Power) and should then have been embarrassed by the activities of the rebels coming to office. It is of greater interest that, of the immense number of colonial issues anxiously engaging the attention of international society in the 1940s and 1950s, the years which saw the virtual demise of western colonialism, this was the one issue on which Australia took up the rebel cause. Throughout this period and irrespective of the complexion of the parties in power in Canberra, Australia persistently jeopardised her regional objective of friendly relations with anti-colonial Asia by opposing strongly and, at times, bitterly the anti-colonial cause in the United Nations. If nothing else, the United Nations has provided a forum in which each year Australia and other members have been forced to declare themselves on colonial questions. And, until the 1960s when Australia switched policy, Australia fought against all the anti-colonial Powers' largely successful attempts to have developed a system of international control over colonies under the authority of Chapter XI (“Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories”) of the United Nations charter, to tighten the trusteeship system of supervision erected under Chapters XII and XIII of the charter, and to involve the United Nations in particular disputes so as to meet alleged threats to peace — all of them being attempts, however indirectly, to hasten the attainment of independence by dependent territories. Thus, Australia supported South Africa on South-West Africa, the Netherlands on West New Guinea, the British on Southern Rhodesia and Oman, the Portuguese on their African territories, the French on Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. But Australia opposed the Netherlands on the Indonesian question.


Quaerendo ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 240-249
Author(s):  
Marieke Van Delft ◽  
Marco De Niet

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-178
Author(s):  
Edien Bartels

Abstract Marriage migrant women are vulnerable to forms of partner violence, particularly in the first five years after migration to the Netherlands because of their dependence on their partner for residence rights. This article, based on qualitative research amongst Moroccan marriage migrant women in the Netherlands and women who have been left behind in Morocco, examines their position and analyses how legal regulations and residence dependency on the one hand, and the integration process on the other hand, play a role in cases of intimate partner violence. This qualitative research cannot offer figures about intimate partner violence and is not representative for couples with migrant origin in general, nor for migrants from Moroccan origin. The aim is to examine the relation between dependence residence rights and intimate partner violence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 134 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-408
Author(s):  
Koos-jan de Jager

Abstract Conscientious objectors under fire. Vaccine refusal among orthodox-Protestant soldiers in the Dutch Armed Forces, 1945-1950 During the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949), the Dutch government deployed 220,000 soldiers in the Indonesian archipelago. Among them was a group of conservative Christian soldiers who refused vaccinations against smallpox for religious reasons. Initially this caused no problems, but the situation changed after the outbreak of a smallpox epidemic in Indonesia in 1948. The non-vaccinated soldiers could not return to the Netherlands due to international restrictions. Although compulsory vaccination was abolished in 1939, some soldiers were forced to accept vaccination. In the Netherlands, representatives of the Reformed Political Party (SGP) and the conservative churches accused the Army of illegal actions. The central question in the debate was the space for religious minorities and divergent views on vaccination in the Dutch Armed Forces. This article studies the process of negotiation between the Dutch Armed Forces and the political and ecclesiastical representatives of this conservative religious group. Finally, this article argues for more research into religious diversity in the Dutch Armed Forces.


Author(s):  
Osayimwense Osa ◽  
Kausar Saida

Objective This article probes the state of Africa's palm oil industry and economy today. Methodology/Technique Today, Malaysia, Indonesia, and West Africa are the world's major producers of palm oil; and India and China, the world's most densely populated countries, are the major consumers. However, why is it that West Africa that is naturally endowed with palm oil is the one that lags behind others in the global production of palm oil? Should this kind of natural endowment and the presence of the major world producers and the biggest consumers of palm oil not spell colossal success for global palm oil industry and economy? Findings Without an adequate demand for a commodity, supply will be limited, thus resulting in a downward supply curve. On the other hand, if there is a high demand for a commodity like palm oil, then it will be produced in abundance. Novelty Where and why it has fallen short, and what does need to be done via-a-vis the state of Malaysia's and Indonesia's palm oil sector and the presence of emerging economies like China and India against the backdrop of globalization. Type of Paper: Review Keywords: Palm oil; economy; consumption, globalization


2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mara A. Yerkes ◽  
Laura den Dulk

Work and care policy in the ‘big’ society: an expansion of capabilities? Work and care policy in the ‘big’ society: an expansion of capabilities? In this article, we assess the extent to which national-level work-care policies in the Netherlands enable various groups in society (men and women, lower and higher educated and employees versus self-employed) to reconcile work and care. We answer this question by conducting a policy analysis using Sen’s (1992) capability approach. Applying this perspective, we evaluate the availability, accessibility and design of work-care policies in the Netherlands. In addition, we consider the importance of collective agreements and the organizational context. Our assessment shows that work-care policies and collective agreements offer greater capabilities to certain groups to reconcile work and care than to others. Childcare policy offers decreased accessibility for the self-employed and flexible work arrangements enable women more than men to take on care tasks and work part-time. In addition, higher educated workers appear to have greater access to flexible arrangements than lower educated workers, but often use this flexibility to work more rather than reconcile work with care. Moreover, current care leave policies enforce rather than challenge existing socio-cultural norms, and alternatives to the one-and-a-half earner model remain limited.


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