Urban Landscapes: Houses, Streets and Squares of 18th Century Lisbon

2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 205-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Helena Barreiros

AbstractThis article retraces Lisbon's urban evolution, both planned and spontaneous, from the beginning of the Age of Discovery until the first decades of the 19th century. It highlights the 1755 earthquake as a powerful agent of transformation of Lisbon, both of the city's image and architecture and of street life. The article begins by summing up urban policies and urban planning from Manuel I's reign (1495-1521) to João V's (1707-1750); it goes on to depict Lisbon's daily life during the Ancien Regime, focusing on the uses of public and private spaces by common people. The Pombaline plans for the rebuilding of Lisbon after the 1755 earthquake are reappraised, stressing the radically original morphology and functions of the new streets and housing types. The contrast between pre- and post-1755 Lisbon's public spaces is sharp, in both their design and use, and gradually streetscape became increasely regulated in accordance with emergent bourgeois social and urban values. More than a century later, the city's late 19th- and early 20th-century urban development still bore the mark of Pombaline plans, made just after 1755, for the revived Portuguese capital.

Classics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis

Since the Western Roman Empire collapsed, classical, or Greco-Roman, architecture has served as a model to articulate the cultural, artistic, political, and ideological goals of later civilizations, empires, nations, and individuals. The Renaissance marked the first major, widespread re-engagement with classical antiquity in art, literature, and architecture. Debates over classical antiquity and its relation to the modern world continued ever since. One such important debate was that of the quarrel between the Ancients and Moderns, which resulted when Charles Perrault published his Parallèles des anciens et des modernes in 1688. This dispute focused on whether the modern age could surpass antiquity, especially in literature. The Greco-Roman controversy (1750s and 1760s) was another example of Europeans engaging with the classical past; this debate focused on whether Greek or Roman art was of greater historical value; an argument has continued unabated to this day. Figures like Johann Joachim Winckelmann argued (in publications such as Winckelmann 1764, cited under Early Archaeological Publications on Greece and Classical Ruins in the Roman East, on Greek art) for the supremacy of Greek forms, while others like Giovanni Battista Piranesi (whose 1748–1778 views of Rome are reproduced in Ficacci 2011, cited under Early Archaeological Publications on Italy) advocated for Rome’s preeminence. Such debates demonstrate how classical antiquity was an essential part of the intellectual and artistic milieu of 18th-century Europe. This bibliography focuses on the appropriation of classical architecture in the creation of built forms from 1700 to the present in Europe and North America, which is typically called neoclassical or neo-classical, both of which are acceptable. Scholars often define the neoclassical period as lasting from c. 1750 to 1830, when European art and architecture predominantly appropriated classical forms and ideas. The influence of classical architecture continued in popularity throughout the 19th century and early 20th century in the United States. The early 19th century saw the flourishing of the Greek Revival, where Greek forms dominated artistic and architectural production, both in Europe and the United States. The ascendance of Queen Victoria in 1837 marked a shift toward a preference for the Gothic and Medieval forms. Neoclassical forms saw a resurgence in the second half of the 19th century, as Roman architectural forms became increasingly popular as an expression of empire. The term “Neo-classical” was coined as early as January 1872 by Robert Kerr, who used the term positively. It later took on certain negative overtones, when it was used as a derogatory epithet by an unknown writer in the Times of London in 1892. Neoclassical architecture has fared no better with the rise of modernism in the early 20th century onward and since then it has been seen as old-fashioned and derivative. Neoclassical architecture was not a mindless imitation of classical architectural forms and interiors. The interest in classical architecture and the creation of neoclassical architecture was spurred on by important archaeological discoveries in the mid-18th century, which widened the perception of Greek and Roman buildings. The remarkable flexibility of ancient architecture to embody the grandeur of an empire, as well as the principles of a nascent democracy, meant that it had great potential to be interpreted and reinterpreted by countless architects, patrons, empires, and nation states—in different ways and at different times from the 18th to the 20th century. This bibliography is organized thematically (e.g., General Overviews; Companions, Handbooks, and Theoretical Works; Reference Works; Early General Archaeological Publications; The Reception of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and the Bay of Naples; and World’s Fairs and Expositions) and then geographically, creating country- or region-specific bibliographies. While this model of organization has some flaws, it aims to avoid repetition and highlights the interconnected nature and process of the reception of classical architecture in later periods.


2013 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Vosne Martins

Este artigo trata do processo de feminilização das ações de socorro, proteção e assistência aos pobres e a outras categorias de pessoas em situação de fragilidade, desamparo e abandono. A organização dos cuidados com os chamados desafortunados tem sido historicamente uma ação dispensada pelos poderosos, associada à sua capacidade de prover e de socorrer aqueles que batiam às suas portas pedindo abrigo temporário, víveres ou remédios para seus males, ou então aos religiosos, de quem se esperava a caridade para com os sofredores de toda espécie. Numa visão de mundo profundamente marcada pela religião cristã, o gênero não hierarquizava nem a dádiva, nem a caridade, associadas ao poder e ao prestígio das famílias e da religião, operando e adquirindo sentido no interior de uma lógica simbólica do sangue, das famílias e da esfera do sagrado. A bondade, portanto, adquiria sentido e significado numa ordem hierárquica mais estável e intimamente relacionada às capacidades distributivas do poder patriarcal e religioso. O gênero passou a desempenhar um papel importante nesta economia da dádiva quando os cuidados e o conjunto de ações e de significados a eles associados foram ressignificados por novos discursos na modernidade, fundados numa reorganização dos espaços, dos sujeitos, das práticas sociais e dos valores e comportamentos. Desde meados do século XVIII e especialmente a partir do século XIX, observa-se a configuração de espaços, de práticas e de sentimentos definidores de subjetividades consideradas femininas, associadas ao amplo terreno moral dos cuidados. Tal processo de generificação dos cuidados se articula ao afastamento e posterior exclusão das mulheres dos espaços públicos, processo este que se configura nas sociedades ocidentais modernas. As mulheres das elites e das classes médias passaram a ser associadas às virtudes regeneradoras da ordem moral e social e a uma concepção natural de bondade, altruísmo e dedicação aos necessitados, valores presentes tanto nas ações de motivação caritativa quanto na organização racionalizada da filantropia, na definição e implementação das políticas assistenciais e na organização das profissões femininas criadas a partir da experiência heterogênea dos cuidados.This article deals with the process of feminization of relief, protection and assistance actions to the poor and to other categories of people in situations of fragility, helplessness and abandonment. The organization of the care of the so called unfortunate has historically been an action given by the powerful, associated with their ability to provide and to assist those knocking at their doors asking for temporary shelter, food or medicines for their ailments, or by religious, from whom charity for sufferers of all kinds was expected. In a deeply marked by the Christian religion worldview, the gender did not prioritize gift nor charity, associated with the power and prestige of the families and religion, operating and acquiring sense within a symbolic logic of the blood, of the families and the sacred sphere. The goodness therefore acquired sense and meaning in a hierarchical order more stable and closely related to the distributive capabilities of patriarchal and religious power. The gender went on to play an important role in this economy of the gift when the care and the set of actions and of meanings associated with them were redefined by new discourses in modernity, founded on a reorganization of the spaces, subjects, social practices and values and behaviors. Since the mid-18th century and especially from the 19th century on there is a configuration of spaces, practices and subjectivities defining feelings considered feminine, associated with the broad moral field of care. Such gendering process of care articulates the removal and subsequent exclusion of women from public spaces, this process represented in modern Western societies. The elite and middle class women began to be associated with the regenerative virtues of moral and social order and with a natural conception of goodness, unselfishness and dedication to those in need, values present in the charitable motivation actions, in rationalized organization of philanthropy, in the definition and implementation of assistance policies and in the organization of professions for women created from the heterogeneous care experience.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 39-54
Author(s):  
Jan Pacholski

The Prussian Giant Mountains — some remarks about the ideologisation of Silesia’s highest mountains during the flourishing of mass tourismThe author of the article examines the beginnings of the national or, more broadly, state ideologisation of the mountains, using as an example Karkonosze or the Giant Mountains, which undoubtedly come to the fore in the case of the popularisation of mountain tourism. Already in the second half of the 18th century a chapel dedicated to St. Lawrence was built on the summit of Śnieżka, becoming straight away a pilgrimage destination and launching tourism in this mountain range. Just as quickly the Giant Mountains were ideologised as border mountains unique in the state to which it partially belonged — the Kingdom of Prussia. Authors describing Silesia’s highest peaks in the Enlightenment period including J.T. Volkmar, J.E. Troschel, E.F. Buquoi and J.Ch.F. GutsMuths did refer to Swiss models, yet they showed the Giant Mountains as the highest range in Silesia and Prussia, stressing the exceptional role and nature of this mountain range. Throughout the 19th century the ideological appropriation of the Sudetes’ highest range continued, acquiring in the early 20th century a virtually grotesque dimension, a manifestation of which was the equation of the Spirit of the Mountains with the ancient pan-Germanic god Wotan, known from old tales and poems and, more recently, from Richard Wagner’s music dramas.


2019 ◽  
pp. 19-41
Author(s):  
Leena Niiranen

This article examines the reading habits of the Kven minority in Norway. Historical sources note that Kvens were able to read in Finnish already in the 18th century. Up to the middle of the 19th century, most books printed in Finnish were religious texts written in Old Literary Finnish. During the Early Modern Finnish period (1820–1870), more secular literature appeared. Although the Kvens mostly read religious texts, they also read some secular literature. Kvens would gather to read religious books written in Old Literary Finnish in homes following a religious tradition of repetitive reading. It is quite probable that this reading practice had an impact on Kven language maintenance. Extensive reading refers to the reading of many different types of texts. In Finland, extensive reading expanded among common people during the Early Modern Finnish period. By contrast, extensive reading among Kvens was most often conducted in Norwegian.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 2050010
Author(s):  
Chin-Yin Tseng ◽  
Xinchun Wang

In its 82 years of existence, the Swedish East India Company, neither large nor powerful with regard to its economic significance, made an impact on the pursuit of scientific knowledge that lasted beyond the 18th-century maritime trade world. As the “apostles” of Carl Linnaeus traveled amidst the sailors and merchants aboard the vessels to Asia, these 18th-century naturalists reified the spirit of scientific research in its most primordial form: to collect as much material as quickly as possible, and, ideally, in a manner characterized by discipline, order, and efficiency. This type of systematized scientific travel developed in the 18th-century East Indian trade was carried over into the Swedish intellectual tradition in the 19th-century polar exploration and the early 20th-century geological-turned-archaeological expeditions in Asia, motivated by “curiosity” instead of “utility”. This was not necessarily by their own choice, but at the constraint of the historical reality that Sweden, following the Treaty of Nystad in 1721, lacked both the means and the motivation to harbor any military or colonial aspirations beyond her sovereign territory. Against the greater geopolitical scheme of things since the Age of Enlightenment, while commercial, political, and strategic motives informed the exploration of distant continents by the European powers, Sweden was forced to rely on a more modest, but certainly no less vigorous, motive — science itself.


Author(s):  
Tuija Laine ◽  
Kirsti Salmi-Niklander

Vernacular literacy began in Finland with the Reformation. Michael Agricola, the first Finnish reformer, studied in Wittenberg, and, after returning to Finland, translated the first books into Finnish. The books were originally intended for priests, but in the middle of the 17th century a literacy campaign was conducted throughout the Swedish realm, one that was quite effective in expanding the reading audience. A number of bishops in the diocese of Turku were also active in writing basic religious material for the common people, including primers, catechisms, and hymnals. The church also examined its parishioners’ reading skills. People could not acquire the status of godparent, attend the Eucharist, or marry without proper reading skills and a knowledge of basic Christian doctrine. In the first phase of the campaign, reading was only learning by rote, but by the last decades of the 17th century bishops and priests were emphasizing the importance of reading from books and understanding their content. Literacy progressed further in the 18th century, and literature published in Finnish became more varied. During the 19th century, Finland’s literacy rate continued to rise gradually. For the vast majority of the rural population, however, “literacy” meant only the very basic reading skills required and examined by the Lutheran Church. The statute for primary schools was laid down in 1866, but the law on compulsory primary education was not enacted until 1921. The Russian government began to promote the Finnish language in the 1860s. The consequent growth of Finnish-language literature and the expansion of the press allowed for reading by large segments of the population. The popular movements established during the final decades of the 19th century (the temperance movement, agrarian youth movement, and labor movement, for example) provided further opportunities for literary training. Among the lower classes in rural Finland, many self-educated writers submitted manuscripts to the Finnish Literature Society and sent news of their home parishes to newspapers. Some of them became professional writers or journalists.


ICONI ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 59-74
Author(s):  
Svetlana P. Shlykova ◽  

The article is devoted to demonstrating the genesis of the archetype of the trickster in Russian literature. The antihero, the sources of whose anti-behavior are traced in harlequinade and skmorokh buffoonery, is examined on the material of folklore and literary works from the 18th to the early 20th century. Anti-behavior in Russian culture symbolizes a rebellion unrefl exed in the folk environment against the norms of behavior and orderliness of life imposed by those in power. The archetype of the trickster, which has longtime traditions in world culture, was personifi ed in Russia as the skomorokh, then the jester Farnos, who in many ways adopted the skomorokh traditions. Among the populace Petrukha Fornos became one of the favorite comic jester heroes, having acquired special popularity as the result of crude color woodcuts from the 18th century. In the 19th century the image of Farnos was transformed into Petrushka, a puppet character of the theatricalized genre. With his assistance the simplistic satirical subjects lay at the foundation of the so-called Petrushka theater which, despite the unaltered plot, bore an improvisational-play character, pertaining to a number of “baculine” comedies, in the 19th century the image of Petrushka was so popular, that it surpassed the oral folk tradition and found its place in literary compositions. In the early 20th century the image of Petrushka the trickster became the source for numerous interpretations in modernist literature.


Author(s):  
Maria Helena P. T. Machado ◽  
Flávio dos S. Gomes ◽  
Marília B. A. Ariza

Between the 16th and 19th centuries, great numbers of men and women in the Americas escaped slavery by joining communities of fugitives. In Brazil, these communities were called mocambos, at first, and they were later referred to as quilombos, both of which were African terms that designated camps in several small societies in Central West Africa. It remains unclear to researchers what terms fugitives used to name themselves. As far as is known, the Portuguese colonial administration was responsible for disseminating the terms mocambos and quilombos. Colonial authorities moved around the Portuguese Empire and frequently took up posts in Africa and Asia prior to their arrival in South America. The term quilombo originally designated both Portuguese military strategies in precolonial Africa and forms of resistance to slavery in Portuguese America. Therefore, by using the term, colonial authorities could be referring to two different entities: war and prisoner camps in Central Africa or communities of runaway slaves in Brazil. Apart from that fact, several military officials who served in Africa had previous experiences in military campaigns against Dutch attacks in the 17th century in Portuguese America as well as in expeditions to dismantle mocambos and capture indigenous slaves. In any case, the term quilombo emerges only in the colony’s historical documentation by the end of the 17th century. Before that time, runaway communities were most commonly referred to by the name mocambos. Found in documents of colonial administration of the Captaincy of Bahia, the earliest reference to mocambos in Portuguese America dates from 1757. By the late 16th century, records point to the existence of Quilombo dos Palmares in the Captaincy of Pernambuco. Colonial authorities did not consider it completely destroyed until the beginning of the 18th century. Other large quilombos emerged during the 18th century in mining areas of Goiás, Mato Grosso, and Minas Gerais. Throughout the 19th century, quilombo communities proliferated in various locations: they could be found close to mining areas, plantations, or smaller farms; in vacant lands on economic frontiers and backlands inhabited by indigenous peoples; and in border areas such as those between Brazil and the Guianas. They also became part of urban landscapes, especially in the last decades of the 19th century. However, these communities were smaller, the modest dimensions of which enabled their longevity. Defined by specific cultural, social, and economic lifestyles and worldviews, quilombo communities survived post-abolition and they exist up to today.


Author(s):  
Tymofii HAVRYLIV

For the first time in literary studies, a comparative analysis of the urbanistic poetry of Bohdan Ihor Antonych and Georg Heym is realized. The common and divergent in semantic codes and characteristic practices from which the poetics of both authors grows are investigated. The city is the defining topos of modernist writing and the central category of the modernist worldview. In no other epoch did the city enjoy the attention of writers as at the end of the 19th century and in the first third of the 20th century. The modern city acquires its outlines only in the middle of the 18th century, and the modernist city from the second half of the 19th century, but especially in the early 20th century through dialectical denial and overcoming the «city of enlightenment». The metaphor of the sea and the semantics of the element, usually water, characterize expressionist speech. Expressionist lyrics are imbued with apocalyptic visions. Urban modernist poetry is an extrapolation of the inner world (states of consciousness) to the outer world. Negative fascination is a defining feature of urbanistic discourse in expressionist poetry. Expressionist urbanistic lyricism is a romantic revolt against urbanization as a defining structural element of the civilizational evolution of mankind, and demonization is the main instrument of criticism of the city in expressionist lyricism. Special attention is paid to the function of memory and remembrance in big-city modernist poetry. While in Heym, a representative of early expressionism in German literature, the city appears as a topos of the apocalypse, in Antonych, the picture of the city is significantly more differentiated – and figuratively, and tonally, and substantial. The thematic blurring of Heym's urban landscapes is opposed by Antonychʼs structural urban subtopoi, the key one being the square. Antonychʼs poetics moves from the concrete to the abstract; his apocalypse is more mundane, aestheticized and playful, and the trumpets of the last day trumpet in the squares, which lovers meet. Antonychʼs city is more vitalistic than Heimʼs, even when the lyrical subject inflicts a flood on him. Not only expressionist but also formalistic and cubist melodies are heard in it. The article uses methods of textual, paratext, and contextual analysis, method of distributive analysis, method of poetic analysis, method of semantic analysis, method of stylistic analysis, method of phonological analysis, hermeneutic and post-structuralist methods. Keywords: modernism, expressionism, urbanistic lyrics, urban landscape, memory, remembrance.


Muzikologija ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Rastko Jakovljevic

The expressions of private and public musical life and experience are mostly discussed separately. This article joins these two concepts into one scope and surveys the identity of both. In ideal (utopian?) traditional context between private and public music experience (life), the context shows ideal vitality and consistence, while in an 'irregular' context these two concepts begin to distance themselves, opening space for marginality or so called 'errors'. This article studies bagpipe tradition in Serbia, at different stages of its development and in different periods, specifically focusing on rural and urban contexts in diverse sociopolitical conditions. Although bagpipe tradition still exists in Serbia it is far removed from what it once was, and the idea is to represent the contexts of that process, private and public, sociopolitical, and marginal aspects, from the 19th century (or hypothetically before then) until today.


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