Humanitarian Principles and Protection Dilemmas: Addressing the Security Situation of Aid Workers in Darfur

The changing nature of armed conflict has resulted in increased need to safeguard civilians, including humanitarian personnel, which is reflected in the emerging protection of civilians agenda. This article considers the security of aid workers in Darfur. Specifically, it examines to what extent the traditional principles of humanitarian action provide security for humanitarian personnel. By performing a within-case analysis, this study portrays the humanitarian workers’ own perspective of the micro-dynamics of security in Darfur. It argues that neutrality, impartiality and independence provide protection and are pivotal for humanitarian security in Darfur. However, these principles do not protect against all threats and needs to be supplemented by other strategies such as protective walls, unarmed guards and barbed wire. On the other hand, relying too heavily on such measures may diminish security as aid workers are alienated from the local population. This is because proximity to the population is perceived as the most important measure for security. In addition, this article suggests that mandatory security training for all humanitarian personnel working in the field would greatly increase the security situation and their ability to protect themselves.

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International Responsibility, Protection and Displacement: Exploring the Connections between r2p, Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons

Global Responsibility to Protect ◽

10.1163/1875984x-00804005 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 8 (4) ◽

pp. 390-409 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Elizabeth Ferris

Keyword(s):

Political Action ◽

The Other ◽

Responsibility To Protect ◽

Internally Displaced Persons ◽

Displaced Persons ◽

Internally Displaced ◽

Humanitarian Action ◽

Political Conflicts ◽

Other Hand ◽

International Responsibility

The emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (r2p) doctrine is part of a universal longing to prevent atrocities and to protect those affected by them. While its origins are quite distinct from international humanitarian principles, its links with humanitarian issues are clear. In fact, r2p emerged in response to humanitarian tragedies. This article traces the intersection of r2p and protection frameworks for refugees and internally displaced persons (idps), recognizing the important differences between them. r2p focuses on prevention, response and rebuilding – the first two tasks of which are inherently political. Conflicts cannot be prevented or resolved without engaging in political action of one kind or another. Responding to atrocities requires taking sides. Normative frameworks on refugees and idps, on the other hand, are based on the principle that people are to be assisted and protected on the basis of need alone and that humanitarian action is non-political in nature.

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Reparations for Children and Youth

Violence and Society ◽

10.4018/978-1-5225-0988-2.ch018 ◽

2016 ◽

pp. 307-328

Author(s):

Sinthya Rubio Escolar

Keyword(s):

Transitional Justice ◽

Armed Conflict ◽

The Other ◽

Children And Youth ◽

Severe Damage ◽

Violence Against Children ◽

Other Hand ◽

Political Project

Violence against children and youth in war causes severe damage to individuals, communities and societies. This chapter aims to demonstrate the importance of reparations for children and youth as a peacebuilding mechanism in the context of transitional justice. On one hand, the chapter seeks to address reparations for children and youth understood as a political project, with a transformative and participatory potential for rebuilding societies and healing the wounds of those who have been affected by armed conflict. On the other hand, the paper attempts to overcome the conception of children and youth as passive victims, providing them with agency to become engaged political members in building peaceful societies. Thus, reparations should position them as subjects of rights, giving them voice as contributors in peacebuilding processes.

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Handling Foreign Fighters

From Freedom Fighters to Jihadists ◽

10.1093/oso/9780190939755.003.0007 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 135-172

Author(s):

Vera Mironova

Keyword(s):

Local Population ◽

Group Cohesion ◽

The Other ◽

Armed Groups ◽

Additional Source ◽

Armed Group ◽

Local Language ◽

Other Hand ◽

International War ◽

Foreign Fighters

There are several major benefits foreign fighters, and only foreign fighters, can offer armed groups. They have knowledge and experience that the local population does not have and have connections in the international war industry. Usually they are more dedicated to their goals. Foreigners are better at raising funds in their home communities and thus provide armed groups with additional source of income. Finally, they can be successfully used by armed groups for propaganda purposes. On the other hand, it is much harder for the leaders of an armed group to manage foreigners versus locals. First, foreign fighters often do not speak the local language and are not familiar with the terrain. Second, they could have problems with the locals. Third, their presence in the group could decrease overall group cohesion. Fourth, they could be recruited as spies by foreign intelligence agencies more easily than locals. And finally, foreign fighters often joined the conflict with different motives than those of local fighters, which could lead to differences in combat strategy and tactics.

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The Part of International Law in the Further Limitation of Naval Armament

The American Journal of International Law ◽

10.2307/2188915 ◽

1926 ◽

Vol 20 (2) ◽

pp. 237-256

Author(s):

Charles Cheney Hyde

Keyword(s):

International Law ◽

Armed Conflict ◽

The Other ◽

Judicial Process ◽

International Differences ◽

Other Hand ◽

Naval Fleets

Naval fleets are maintained by development and replacement because their possessors dare not fail to make provision for a maritime war in which they may be participants. No means yet devised and accepted for the amicable adjustment of international differences have removed from responsible statesmen a sense of the necessity of anticipating such a contingency. Despite increasing efforts in every quarter to cultivate wills for peace and abhorrence of armed conflict, as well as a desire to adjust grave differences by judicial process or through commissions of conciliation, war is still regarded as a contingency which must be reckoned with, and as one which is as dangerous as it is seemingly remote. In making provision as against a contingency which none would welcome or hasten, the governments of maritime states do not necessarily encourage war or indicate approval of recourse to it. A particular conference of maritime states may in fact uplift the hopes of prospective belligerents which resent and oppose agreements restricting recourse to measures and instrumentalities on which they expect to rely. On the other hand, general arrangements respecting belligerent activities may serve to lessen a zeal for war and to remove its very approach further from the horizon. Everything depends upon the ambitions of the states which consent to confer. The point to be observed is that agreements for the regulation of maritime war in so far as they purport to proscribe or check the use of particular instrumentalities or recourse to particular measures, are not to be deemed bellicose in design or effect. Such regulatory agreements are advocates of peace rather than of war. Moreover, as will be seen, they may be the means of encouraging states to reduce armaments which would otherwise be maintained.

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Slave Spectacles and Tragic Octoroons: A Cultural Genealogy of Antebellum Performance

Theatre Survey ◽

10.1017/s0040557400002398 ◽

1992 ◽

Vol 33 (2) ◽

pp. 167-187 ◽

Cited By ~ 16

Author(s):

Joseph R. Roach

Keyword(s):

Critical Theory ◽

Armed Conflict ◽

The Other ◽

Special Topic ◽

Modern Language Association ◽

Critical Perspective ◽

Mixed Emotions ◽

Modern Language ◽

Other Hand ◽

Political Intervention

In recent critical theory, the word performance has undergone a significant expansion, some would say an inflation. As the Editor's Note to the May issue of PMLA (“Special Topic: Performance”) observes, “What once was an event has become a critical category, now applied to everything from a play to a war to a meal. The performative … is a cultural act, a critical perspective, a political intervention.” Theatre historians will perhaps greet such pronouncements with mixed emotions. On one hand, they may welcome the acknowledgment by the principal organ of the Modern Language Association that performance (as opposed to drama merely) can count for so much. On the other hand, they may wonder what exactly is intended by the conceptual leap that takes performance beyond the established theatrical genres to encompass armed conflict and comestibles.

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Without order, anything goes? The prohibition of forced displacement in non-international armed conflict

International Review of the Red Cross ◽

10.1017/s1816383109990397 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 91 (875) ◽

pp. 547-565 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Jan Willms

Keyword(s):

Armed Conflict ◽

The Other ◽

Customary Law ◽

Forced Displacement ◽

Other Hand ◽

State Practice

AbstractAt first glance, merely the ‘ordering’ of displacement seems to be prohibited in non-international armed conflict. However, after interpreting Article 17(1) AP II and Rule 129(B) of the ICRC Customary Law Study with particular regard to State practice and opinio juris, the author concludes that these norms prohibit forced displacement regardless of whether it is ordered or not. On the other hand, the ICC Elements of Crimes for the crime of forced displacement under Article 8(2)(e)(viii) ICC Statute require an order. It remains to be seen whether the ICC adopts that interpretation in its jurisprudence.

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Cycling along a River: New Access, New Values?

Sustainability ◽

10.3390/su12229311 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 12 (22) ◽

pp. 9311

Author(s):

Matthieu Adam ◽

Marylise Cottet ◽

Sylvie Morardet ◽

Lise Vaudor ◽

Laure Coussout ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Mediterranean Sea ◽

Local Population ◽

The Other ◽

Local People ◽

Natural Environments ◽

Lake Geneva ◽

Other Hand ◽

Preservation And Restoration ◽

The Mediterranean ◽

The Relationship

The ViaRhôna is an 815 km cycle route running along the Rhône River from Lake Geneva to the Mediterranean Sea. We examine the influence of this type of cycle route on the relationship between route users (including the local population, itinerant cyclists and foreign tourists) and the river landscapes. This relationship is approached from the angle of the use of the riverbanks as well as the perceived image, the value, and the knowledge associated with the river and its landscapes. Our survey based on interviews (n = 16) and questionnaires (n = 546) produced the following results. The features of the cycle route and the related activities that it makes possible drain a special segment of the population that, in spite of its diverse sociological composition, shares similar tastes. The creation of the cycle route has led to an increase in use of the riverbanks both by tourists and local people. The experience that it offers contributes to enhancing the value that users place on the river. This is due to a change in the image of the river following the (re)discovery of its natural environments. On the other hand, knowledge of one’s natural environments is not modified. These results raise the question of possible changes in the degree to which users support policies targeting the preservation and restoration of the river.

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The Franciscans in New Mexico, 1692-1754: Toward a New Assessment

The Americas A Quarterly Review of Latin American History ◽

10.2307/1007923 ◽

1994 ◽

Vol 51 (2) ◽

pp. 151-171

Author(s):

Jim Norris

Keyword(s):

New Mexico ◽

Local Population ◽

The Other ◽

Spanish Colonial ◽

Other Hand ◽

Pueblo Revolt ◽

Franciscan Order ◽

High Degree ◽

Civil Government

Scholars who have studied the Franciscan effort in New Mexico during the Spanish colonial epoch have generally posited that the watershed event in the missionary program was the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Thus, the periodization for the Order's evangelical effort has been structured in two parts: pre-1680 and post-reconquest (1692-1821). One need only compare Fray Alonso de Benavides's glowing description of his brethren's work in the region in 1630 with that of Fray Silvestre Vélez de Escalante's harsh rebuke to the friars in 1777 to realize fundamental changes had occurred in the missionization process. Benavides's Franciscans are ardent, ascetic, and capable missionary priests. Consequently, prior to 1680, the Franciscan Order, in what the Spanish called the Kingdom of New Mexico, was able to maintain a high degree of authority, power, and prestige especially in regard to its relations with the local population and civil government. On the other hand, the missionaries condemned by Escalante are complacent, contentious idlers. While there are a dearth of studies on the post-1692 Franciscans, historians who have ventured into the era suggest a significant erosion in the quality and dedication of the later missionaries. The conclusion, then, is that these less committed friars were at least partially responsible for the decline of the Order's position within the Kingdom.

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Reparations for Children and Youth

Advances in Public Policy and Administration - Handbook of Research on Transitional Justice and Peace Building in Turbulent Regions ◽

10.4018/978-1-4666-9675-4.ch005 ◽

2016 ◽

pp. 97-117

Author(s):

Sinthya Rubio Escolar

Keyword(s):

Transitional Justice ◽

Armed Conflict ◽

The Other ◽

Children And Youth ◽

Severe Damage ◽

Violence Against Children ◽

Other Hand ◽

Political Project

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As Autodefesas Unidas da Colômbia (AUC) e sua Estratégia Paramilitar no Fim do Século XX: Origem, Organização e Ideologia l The United Self-Defenses of Colombia (AUC) and its Paramilitary Strategy at the End of the 20th Century: Origin, Organization and Ideology

Revista Neiba, Cadernos Argentina Brasil ◽

10.12957/neiba.2021.58909 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 10 (1) ◽

pp. e58909

Author(s):

Flávia Foresto Porto da Costa

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

Public Opinion ◽

20Th Century ◽

Armed Conflict ◽

The Other ◽

The Public ◽

Self Defense ◽

Other Hand ◽

Drug Traffickers ◽

The One

Criadas em 1994 como uma confederação de exércitos privados colombianos, as Autodefesas Unidas da Colômbia (AUC) marcaram uma expansão do paramilitarismo e um recrudescimento do conflito armado naquele país, tendo sido atuantes até seu processo de desmobilização, em 2002. Buscando compreender as origens, a organização e os discursos desse fenômeno paramilitar, o presente trabalho realiza uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental que inclui, entre outros, os documentos originais das AUC e entrevistas com suas principais lideranças. Verifica-se que as AUC constituíram, por um lado, uma continuidade em relação ao paramilitarismo das doutrinas contrainsurgentes da Guerra Fria e aos grupos de civis armados financiados por narcotraficantes e proprietários de terra do final dos anos 70, e, por outro, um ponto de inflexão da estratégia paramilitar na Colômbia, quando esses exércitos buscam se projetar como atores políticos e independentes diante da opinião pública, buscando imitar pelo avesso a retórica e as estruturas guerrilheiras.Palavras-Chave: Paramilitarismo; Contrainsurgência; Colômbia.ABSTRACTCreated in 1994 as a confederation of Colombian private armies, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) marked an expansion of paramilitary and a renewed armed conflict in that country, having been active until its demobilization process in 2002. Seeking to understand the origins, the organization and the speeches of this paramilitary phenomenon, the present work conducts a bibliographic and documentary research that includes, among others, the original documents of the AUC and interviews with its main leaders. It appears that the AUC constituted, on the one hand, a continuity in relation to the paramilitarism of counterinsurgent Cold War doctrines and groups of armed civilians financed by drug traffickers and landowners in the late 1970s, and, on the other hand, a point inflection of the paramilitary strategy in Colombia, when these armies seek to project themselves as political and independent actors before the public opinion, trying to imitate the rhetoric and guerrilla structures inside out.Keywords: Paramilitarism; Counterinsurgency; Colombia. Recebido em: 04/04/2021 | Aceito em: 09/06/2021.

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