Reparations for Children and Youth

Author(s):  
Sinthya Rubio Escolar

Violence against children and youth in war causes severe damage to individuals, communities and societies. This chapter aims to demonstrate the importance of reparations for children and youth as a peacebuilding mechanism in the context of transitional justice. On one hand, the chapter seeks to address reparations for children and youth understood as a political project, with a transformative and participatory potential for rebuilding societies and healing the wounds of those who have been affected by armed conflict. On the other hand, the paper attempts to overcome the conception of children and youth as passive victims, providing them with agency to become engaged political members in building peaceful societies. Thus, reparations should position them as subjects of rights, giving them voice as contributors in peacebuilding processes.

2016 ◽  
pp. 307-328
Author(s):  
Sinthya Rubio Escolar

Violence against children and youth in war causes severe damage to individuals, communities and societies. This chapter aims to demonstrate the importance of reparations for children and youth as a peacebuilding mechanism in the context of transitional justice. On one hand, the chapter seeks to address reparations for children and youth understood as a political project, with a transformative and participatory potential for rebuilding societies and healing the wounds of those who have been affected by armed conflict. On the other hand, the paper attempts to overcome the conception of children and youth as passive victims, providing them with agency to become engaged political members in building peaceful societies. Thus, reparations should position them as subjects of rights, giving them voice as contributors in peacebuilding processes.


1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-256
Author(s):  
Charles Cheney Hyde

Naval fleets are maintained by development and replacement because their possessors dare not fail to make provision for a maritime war in which they may be participants. No means yet devised and accepted for the amicable adjustment of international differences have removed from responsible statesmen a sense of the necessity of anticipating such a contingency. Despite increasing efforts in every quarter to cultivate wills for peace and abhorrence of armed conflict, as well as a desire to adjust grave differences by judicial process or through commissions of conciliation, war is still regarded as a contingency which must be reckoned with, and as one which is as dangerous as it is seemingly remote. In making provision as against a contingency which none would welcome or hasten, the governments of maritime states do not necessarily encourage war or indicate approval of recourse to it. A particular conference of maritime states may in fact uplift the hopes of prospective belligerents which resent and oppose agreements restricting recourse to measures and instrumentalities on which they expect to rely. On the other hand, general arrangements respecting belligerent activities may serve to lessen a zeal for war and to remove its very approach further from the horizon. Everything depends upon the ambitions of the states which consent to confer. The point to be observed is that agreements for the regulation of maritime war in so far as they purport to proscribe or check the use of particular instrumentalities or recourse to particular measures, are not to be deemed bellicose in design or effect. Such regulatory agreements are advocates of peace rather than of war. Moreover, as will be seen, they may be the means of encouraging states to reduce armaments which would otherwise be maintained.


1992 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Roach

In recent critical theory, the word performance has undergone a significant expansion, some would say an inflation. As the Editor's Note to the May issue of PMLA (“Special Topic: Performance”) observes, “What once was an event has become a critical category, now applied to everything from a play to a war to a meal. The performative … is a cultural act, a critical perspective, a political intervention.” Theatre historians will perhaps greet such pronouncements with mixed emotions. On one hand, they may welcome the acknowledgment by the principal organ of the Modern Language Association that performance (as opposed to drama merely) can count for so much. On the other hand, they may wonder what exactly is intended by the conceptual leap that takes performance beyond the established theatrical genres to encompass armed conflict and comestibles.


2009 ◽  
Vol 91 (875) ◽  
pp. 547-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Willms

AbstractAt first glance, merely the ‘ordering’ of displacement seems to be prohibited in non-international armed conflict. However, after interpreting Article 17(1) AP II and Rule 129(B) of the ICRC Customary Law Study with particular regard to State practice and opinio juris, the author concludes that these norms prohibit forced displacement regardless of whether it is ordered or not. On the other hand, the ICC Elements of Crimes for the crime of forced displacement under Article 8(2)(e)(viii) ICC Statute require an order. It remains to be seen whether the ICC adopts that interpretation in its jurisprudence.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Anis

Abstract               Sexual violence against children is one of the serious problems we face today, various elements, especially the government, are related to the government's efforts in implementing the Child Protection Act Number 35 of 2014. On the other hand, child victims of sexual violence are part of an immature community its development both physically and psychologically, so it requires special assistance in handling it. Sexual violence against children is an act of violence perpetrated by a community whose physical or psychological development is insufficient or immature so that it requires ongoing assistance specifically relating to its handling. The cause of the occurrence of acts of sexual violence against children is due to family factors, such as parenting that allows their children to get along freely which results in the child losing his identity, the factor of parents not equipping children with religious knowledge which consequently children don’t understand what can be done and which can’t done, the influence of the environment and many more factors that can cause acts of sexual violence in children. So that children don’t experience acts of sexual violence against children, it should be as parents should set an example to children, provide the best examples for children about how to live in accordance with our religion and culture, so that children avoid sexual violence, there must be assistance or supervision strict on children.Keywords: Child Protection, Makassar City, Sexual Violence.AbstrakKekerasan seksual terhadap anak merupakan salah satu permasalahan serius yang kita hadapi saat ini, berbagai elemen terutama pemerintah dikarenakan berkaitan dengan upaya pemerintah dalam melaksanakan Undang-Undang perlindungan anak Nomor 35 Tahun 2014. Disisi lain, anak korban kekerasan seksual merupakan bagian dari masyarakat yang belum matang perkembangannya baik secara fisik maupun psikologis, sehingga membutuhkan pendampingan khusus dalam penanganannya. Kekerasan seksual terhadap anak adalah tindak kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat yang kurang atau belum matang perkembangan fisik maupun psikisnya sehingga membutuhkan pendampingan yang berkesinambungan terkhusus yang berhubungan dengan penanganannya. Penyebab terjadinya tindakan kekerasan seksual terhadap anak karena faktor keluarga, seperti Pola Asuh yang membiarkan anaknya bergaul dengan bebas yang berakibat anak kehilangan jati diri, faktor orang tua tidak membekali anak dengan ilmu agama yang akibatnya anak tidak memahami yang mana bisa dilakukan dan mana yang tidak bisa dilakukan, pengaruh lingkungan dan masih banyak lagi faktor yang dapat menyebabkan terjadinya tindak kekrasan seksual pada anak. Agar anak tidak mengalami tindak kekerasan seksual  pada anak, hendaknya sebagai orang tua harus memberi keteladanan kepada anak, memberikan contoh yang terbaik kepada anak tentang bagaimana pola hidup yang sesuai dengan agama dan budaya kita, agar anak terhindar dari kekerasan seksual, harus ada pendampingan atau pengawasan yang ketat terhadap anak.Kata Kunci : Kekerasan Seksual, Kota Makassar, Perlindungan Anak.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 188-217
Author(s):  
Olga Yanet Acuña Rodríguez

 El artículo analiza la influencia de los discursos políticos expuestos por Juan Nepomuceno Niño y José Joaquín Camacho y que circularon en forma pública a través de la prensa nacional y regional durante la primera experiencia republicana entre 1810 y 1815. El estudio se orienta en función de comprender cómo desde la región se intentó construir nación. Es evidente que la clausura de la prensa por el gobierno de Cundinamarca provocó, que las ideas circularan a través de las redes de amigos y familiares en un ámbito más cerrado, lo que permitió hacer extensivo el pensamiento político. Por otra parte, el enfoque evidencia la radicalización de los discursos con los que se pretendía construir un proyecto de estado, y que polarizó la relación entre los criollos en defensa del Federalismo o del Centralismo, tratando de imponer un proyecto de nación tal y como se observa en el caso de la Provincia de Tunja.Palabras clave: proyecto político, patria, centralismo, federalismo, provincia, gobierno. Independence of the Province of Tunja seen from Juan Nepomuceno Niño and José Joaquín Camacho’s Ideology, 1810-1815AbstractIn this paper, we analyze the influence of political discourses made by Nepomuceno Niño and José Joaquín Camacho that publicly circulated through the national and regional press during the first republican experience from 1810 to 1815. This study focuses on understanding how the region tried to build nation. It is clear that the press closure by the government of Cundinamarca caused ideas to circulate through friends and family circles in a closer environment, which allowed to extend that political thinking. On the other hand, the approach of this paper shows the radicalization of the discourses with which it was expected to build a State project, and which polarized the relationship between nationals in defense of Federalism or Centralism, trying to impose a project of nation as it is observed in the case of the Province of Tunja.Keywords: political project, homeland, centralism, federalism, province, government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58909
Author(s):  
Flávia Foresto Porto da Costa

Criadas em 1994 como uma confederação de exércitos privados colombianos, as Autodefesas Unidas da Colômbia (AUC) marcaram uma expansão do paramilitarismo e um recrudescimento do conflito armado naquele país, tendo sido atuantes até seu processo de desmobilização, em 2002. Buscando compreender as origens, a organização e os discursos desse fenômeno paramilitar, o presente trabalho realiza uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental que inclui, entre outros, os documentos originais das AUC e entrevistas com suas principais lideranças. Verifica-se que as AUC constituíram, por um lado, uma continuidade em relação ao paramilitarismo das doutrinas contrainsurgentes da Guerra Fria e aos grupos de civis armados financiados por narcotraficantes e proprietários de terra do final dos anos 70, e, por outro, um ponto de inflexão da estratégia paramilitar na Colômbia, quando esses exércitos buscam se projetar como atores políticos e independentes diante da opinião pública, buscando imitar pelo avesso a retórica e as estruturas guerrilheiras.Palavras-Chave: Paramilitarismo; Contrainsurgência; Colômbia.ABSTRACTCreated in 1994 as a confederation of Colombian private armies, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) marked an expansion of paramilitary and a renewed armed conflict in that country, having been active until its demobilization process in 2002. Seeking to understand the origins, the organization and the speeches of this paramilitary phenomenon, the present work conducts a bibliographic and documentary research that includes, among others, the original documents of the AUC and interviews with its main leaders. It appears that the AUC constituted, on the one hand, a continuity in relation to the paramilitarism of counterinsurgent Cold War doctrines and groups of armed civilians financed by drug traffickers and landowners in the late 1970s, and, on the other hand, a point inflection of the paramilitary strategy in Colombia, when these armies seek to project themselves as political and independent actors before the public opinion, trying to imitate the rhetoric and guerrilla structures inside out.Keywords: Paramilitarism; Counterinsurgency; Colombia. Recebido em: 04/04/2021 | Aceito em: 09/06/2021. 


Author(s):  
Laura Andrea Cristancho ◽  
Adriana Otálora Buitrago

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo primordial analizar la inclusión laboral de los desmovilizados del conflicto armado en Colombia, a partir de los acuerdos de paz que se han firmado en los últimos gobiernos con dos de los grandes grupos al margen de la ley en Colombia. En primer lugar, se expone un panorama general de la violencia en el país. En segundo lugar, se presentan algunas características de la economía colombiana y los procesos de reinserción a la vida civil de los excombatientes. Luego, se describe el proceso de vinculación laboral de los excombatientes desde dos perspectivas, la incorporación en empresas y, la formación de empresa. Finalmente, se expone la situación de empleo y desempleo de la población de interés.The main objective of this article is to analyse the labour inclusion of demobilized people in the armed conflict in Colombia, based on the peace agreements that were signed in past governments with two of the large illegal groups in Colombia. First, a general description of the violence in the country is presented. Secondly, some characteristics of the Colombian economy and the ex-combatants’ reinsertion processes in civilian life. Then, it describes the process of ex-combatants’ connection with working life from two perspectives, the incorporation into companies and, on the other hand, formation of companies. Finally, the situation of employment and unemployment of the population of interest is explained.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elijah Oluwatoyin Okebukola

This article considers the question of criminal liability for training child soldiers. None of the legal instruments prohibiting recruitment and use of child soldiers expressly relates to training child soldiers. This raises the question, on the one hand, whether a trainer can be held liable for training as a distinct offence from recruiting or using child soldiers. On the other hand, it raises the question whether a trainer is necessarily liable for recruitment or use of child soldiers. In an attempt to answer these questions, this article highlights the distinct factual and legal differences between recruitment, training and use of child soldiers. This exercise demonstrates that the law is not clear on the criminal liability of a trainer especially if the trainer is not factually involved in recruitment or use of child soldiers. The article concludes that the express clarification of the nature and extent of criminal liability for training child soldiers will improve the legal regimes for the protection of children in armed conflict.


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