scholarly journals Responding to Wartime Sexual Violence: un Peacekeeping and the Protection Agenda

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Hultman ◽  
Karin Johansson

Recent years have seen an increased emphasis on protection of civilians and the problem of sexual violence. The Security Council has adopted a number of resolutions towards improving the status of women in the realm of peace and security. However, we do not know if this translates into action by the Security Council in terms of deploying peacekeepers to respond to sexual violence. In this paper, we examine to what extent the prevalence of sexual violence increases the likelihood that the un chooses to deploy peacekeeping operations. In doing so, we acknowledge that sexual violence is an underreported phenomenon, about which the Security Council may not have perfect information. We explore this question by using data from the svac dataset in all intrastate armed conflicts, 1989–2009, which provides information about sexual violence as reported by three main agencies. We examine to what extent sexual violence, as reported by different agencies, is correlated with a higher likelihood that the un deploys a peacekeeping operation. Our findings suggest that reports of sexual violence on average increase the likelihood of a peacekeeping operation. However, depending on which of the sources we consider, we find contradictory findings for whether the un responds differently to sexual violence perpetrated by states and non-state actors respectively.

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 721-727 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soumita Basu

As of June 2017, there were eight United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) on “women and peace and security”—UNSCRs 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, and 2242. These UNSCRs recognize the gendered nature of armed conflicts and peace processes. They propose institutional provisions geared mainly toward protecting women and girls during armed conflicts and promoting their participation in conflict resolution and prevention. In addition, in March 2016, the Security Council adopted UNSCR 2272, which recommends concrete steps to combat sexual exploitation and abuse in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, an issue that is of significant concern for women, peace, and security (WPS) advocates. The volume of resolutions and policy literature on WPS would suggest that UNSCR 1325 and the follow-up UNSCRs have become central to the mandate of the Security Council. Yet there is a paucity of financial resources to pay for implementation of the resolutions; this has been described as “perhaps the most serious and persistent obstacle … over the past 15 years” (UN Women 2015, 372).


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard F. Hutabarat

<p align="justify">As peacekeeping has evolved to encompass a broader humanitarian approach, women personels have become increasingly part of the peacekeeping family. The UN has called for more deployment of female peacekeepers to enhance the overall “holistic” approach to current UN peacekeeping operations. There is clearly more work to be done to integrate more female peacekeepers into UN missions. More skilled and trained female peacekeepers can only be an asset to future peacekeeping operations. In October 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The resolution was hailed as a landmark resolution in that for the first time, the Security Council recognised the contribution women make during and post-conflict. Since the adoption of Resolution 1325, attention to gender perspectives within the international peace agenda has ¬firmly been placed within the broader peace and security framework. This article explains the development of Indonesian female peacekeepers contribution in the period of 2009-20016 and argues why Indonesia needs to support and to consider deploying more female peacekeepers in UN peacekeeping operations.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard F. Hutabarat

<p><strong>Abstrak</strong> – Misi Pemeliharaan Perdamaian mengalami evolusi yang meliputi pendekatan kemanusiaan yang lebih luas, personel wanita semakin meningkat menjadi bagian dari keluarga misi pemeliharaan perdamaian.PBB telah meminta lebih banyak penggelaran female peacekeepers guna memperkuat pendekatan “holistik” secara keseluruhan terhadap operasi-operasi pemeliharaan perdamaian PBB saat ini.Banyak yang harus dilakukan dalam mengintegrasikan lebih banyak female peacekeepers kedalam misi-misi PBB. Lebih banyak female peacekeepers yang terlatih akan menjadi aset bagi masa depan operasi-operasi pemeliharaan perdamaian.Pada bulan Oktober 2000 Dewan Keamanan PBB telah menetapkan Resolusi 1325 mengenai Wanita, Perdamaian dan Keamanan. Resolusi tersebut dipandang sebagai resolusi landmark dimana pertama kali, Dewan Keamanan mengakui kontribusi wanita selama dan pasca konflik. Sejak ditetapkannya Resolusi 1325 tersebut, perhatian terhadap perspektif gender dalam agenda perdamaian internasional telah jelas ditempatkan dalam kerangka keamanan dan perdamaian yang lebih luas. Artikel ini menjelaskan peningkatan kontribusi jumlah personel female peacekeepers Indonesia pada periode 2009-2016 dan membahas mengapa Indonesia perlu mendukung dan mempertimbangkan mengirimkan lebih banyak female peacekeepers dalam operasi-operasi pemeliharaan perdamaian PBB.</p><p><br /><strong>Kata Kunci</strong> : Pemelihara perdamaian wanita, gender, Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa, pemeliharaan perdamaian, Indonesia</p><p><br /><em><strong>Abstract</strong> </em>– As peacekeeping has evolved to encompass a broader humanitarian approach, women personels have become increasingly part of the peacekeeping family.The UN has called for more deployment of female peacekeepers to enhance the overall “holistic” approach to current UN peacekeeping operations. There is clearly more work to be done to integrate more female peacekeepers into UN missions. More skilled and trained female peacekeepers can only be an asset to future peacekeeping operations.In October 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The resolution was hailed as a landmark resolution in that for the fi¬rst time, the Security Council recognised the contribution women make during and post-conflict. Since the adoption of Resolution 1325, attention to gender perspectives within the international peace agenda has ¬firmly been placed within the broader peace and security framework. This article explains the development of Indonesian female peacekeepers contribution in the period of 2009-20016 and argues why Indonesia needs to support and to consider deploying more female peacekeepers in UN peacekeeping operations.</p><p><br /><strong><em>Keywords:</em> </strong>female peacekeepers, gender, United Nations, peacekeeping, Indonesia</p>


Author(s):  
Adejoké Babington-Ashaye

Twenty years after the United Nations (UN) Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security and twenty-five years after the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the prevalence of sexual violence by parties to armed conflicts continues unabated. Despite the responsibility of every State to address such crimes, conflict-related sexual violence has not been met with corresponding accountability. At the same time, national prosecutions of terrorist activities have largely focused on membership and financing of terrorist groups. Even though the majority of States have endorsed the historic 2013 Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict which provides that 'sexual violence committed in conflict must not be viewed as a lesser crime,' accountability for 'sexual terrorism' – defined in the article as conflict-related sexual violence and human trafficking utilized as a tactic of terrorism – has not garnered the same response as other terrorism crimes especially in Security Council resolutions.<br/> With the focus on Boko Haram, this article addresses the practicalities of national investigations and prosecutions in Nigeria of conflict-related sexual violence and human trafficking as acts of terrorism using Nigeria's 2011 Terrorism Prevention Act (TPA) and its 2013 amendment. Although these pieces of legislation make no express provision for accountability for sexual terrorism, the article proposes interpretations of provisions in the TPA that could be utilized to investigate and prosecute sexual terrorism by Boko Haram. The article also addresses some practical challenges faced by federal prosecutors in bringing such charges to court such as evidentiary practices requiring medical corroboration and it explores possible solutions to ensure accountability. Finally, the article juxtaposes Security Council resolutions on terrorist financing with resolutions on the nexus between terrorism, human trafficking, and conflictrelated sexual violence. It observes that, adopting resolutions pursuant to Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Security Council gave terrorist financing a platform on which accountability was mandated. A similar platform has not been afforded to sexual terrorism and the article explores possible reasons. In the author's view, until sexual terrorism is given the same platform as terrorist financing, the push for domestic accountability for sexual terrorism remains a battle on an uphill road paved with good intentions.


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Kainat Kamal

The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are mandated to help nations torn by conflict and create conditions for sustainable peace. These peacekeeping operations hold legitimacy under international law and the ability to deploy troops to advance multidimensional domains. Peacekeeping operations are called upon to maintain peace and security, promote human rights, assist in restoring the rule of law, and help conflict-prone areas create conditions for sustainable peace ("What is Peacekeeping", n.d.). These missions are formed and mandated according to individual cases. The evolution of the global security environment and developing situations in conflictridden areas requires these missions to transform from 'traditional' to 'robust' to 'hybrid', accordingly (e.g., Ishaque, 2021). So why is it that no such model can be seen in restoring peace and protection of Palestinian civilians in one of the most protracted and deadly conflicts in history?


Author(s):  
Jasmine-Kim Westendorf

In the past fifteen years, despite the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security and the Secretary-General’s Bulletin on Zero Tolerance of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers, abuse by interveners remains prevalent in peace operations. SEA is not only perpetrated by peacekeepers, but also aid workers, diplomats, private contractors, and others associated with interventions. This chapter maps the extent and main characteristics of SEA in peace operations, and investigates the ways the international community has attempted to prevent and hold individuals accountable for SEA. It provides an assessment of the weaknesses in the existing WPS framework regarding SEA, particularly in terms of its engagement with masculinities, capital, and other permissive factors that make SEA such a central feature of peacekeeping operations.


Author(s):  
Gregory H. Fox

This chapter examines the debate concerning a state’s intervention in internal armed conflicts based on invitation, either from the government or from a rebel group fighting against the government. It looks at the issues that arise from intervention by invitation, particularly those relating to the territorial integrity of the state, the status of the actors involved, the nature of the consent, and implications for international law in general and for politics and human rights in particular. The chapter first considers the traditional view of intervention by invitation and the recent challenges to that view. It then discusses the negative equality principle as it applies to intervention in civil wars, as well as the link between intervention by invitation and democratic legitimacy. It also analyses the position of the UN Security Council on intervention by invitation.


Author(s):  
Haidi Willmot ◽  
Ralph Mamiya

This chapter focuses on the conception and evolution of the UN Security Council mandate to protect civilians during peacekeeping operations from 1960 to the present. The chapter examines the normative and legal framework of the use of force to protect civilians in UN peacekeeping operations, with reference to Security Council resolutions and other bodies of international law such as humanitarian and human rights law. It considers Security Council practice between 1960 and 1999 and its emphasis on the concept of self-defence; Security Council practice from 1999 to 2007 regarding the inception and development of the explicit ‘protection of civilians’ mandate by the Council; Security Council practice from 2007 to 2011; and prioritization of the mandate in certain peacekeeping missions, specifically UNAMID (Sudan (Darfur)), MONUC (Democratic Republic of the Congo), UNOCI (Côte d’Ivoire), and UNMISS (South Sudan). Finally, the chapter describes Security Council practice from 2011 onwards and draws conclusions on impact that the protection of civilians mandate in peacekeeping operations has had on the evolution of the legitimate use of force under the UN Charter.


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