The UN Security Council and the Political Economy of the WPS Resolutions

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 721-727 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soumita Basu

As of June 2017, there were eight United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) on “women and peace and security”—UNSCRs 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, and 2242. These UNSCRs recognize the gendered nature of armed conflicts and peace processes. They propose institutional provisions geared mainly toward protecting women and girls during armed conflicts and promoting their participation in conflict resolution and prevention. In addition, in March 2016, the Security Council adopted UNSCR 2272, which recommends concrete steps to combat sexual exploitation and abuse in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, an issue that is of significant concern for women, peace, and security (WPS) advocates. The volume of resolutions and policy literature on WPS would suggest that UNSCR 1325 and the follow-up UNSCRs have become central to the mandate of the Security Council. Yet there is a paucity of financial resources to pay for implementation of the resolutions; this has been described as “perhaps the most serious and persistent obstacle … over the past 15 years” (UN Women 2015, 372).

Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Hultman ◽  
Karin Johansson

Recent years have seen an increased emphasis on protection of civilians and the problem of sexual violence. The Security Council has adopted a number of resolutions towards improving the status of women in the realm of peace and security. However, we do not know if this translates into action by the Security Council in terms of deploying peacekeepers to respond to sexual violence. In this paper, we examine to what extent the prevalence of sexual violence increases the likelihood that the un chooses to deploy peacekeeping operations. In doing so, we acknowledge that sexual violence is an underreported phenomenon, about which the Security Council may not have perfect information. We explore this question by using data from the svac dataset in all intrastate armed conflicts, 1989–2009, which provides information about sexual violence as reported by three main agencies. We examine to what extent sexual violence, as reported by different agencies, is correlated with a higher likelihood that the un deploys a peacekeeping operation. Our findings suggest that reports of sexual violence on average increase the likelihood of a peacekeeping operation. However, depending on which of the sources we consider, we find contradictory findings for whether the un responds differently to sexual violence perpetrated by states and non-state actors respectively.


Author(s):  
Nina J. Lahoud

Abstract Acknowledging that progress in gender mainstreaming was woefully deficient, the United Nations (UN) Department of Peacekeeping Operations organized a May 2000 Seminar in Windhoek on “Mainstreaming a Gender Perspective in Multidimensional Peace Support Operations”, hosted by the Namibian Government, which produced two ground-breaking outcome documents that had an enormous impact on the adoption of landmark UN Security Council resolution 1325 on “Women and peace and security” five months later. Through the lens of the author’s first-hand account, the article unpacks and scrutinizes the ways in which the Seminar’s visionary Windhoek Declaration and the more operational Namibia Plan of Action came into being and had such a critical impact on that milestone resolution, and what specific factors ignited this exceptional outcome, including the role played by the host country. Through this prism, three key factors and the infectious effect of each are described, providing insights into the evolving Seminar dynamics and the interplay of inspiring speakers, Working Group deliberations, and strategic plenary sessions. The article also highlights, however, that the promises of the Windhoek Declaration, Namibia Plan of Action, and resolution 1325 have still not been fulfilled twenty years later, even though the hopes of conflict-affected women had been re-ignited in 2015 with Security Council resolution 2242’s sweeping calls for action and a stark Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 presenting robust recommendations for action to fill the many gaps. As the 20th anniversary of resolution 1325 approaches, a rallying cry of hope is directed to all those who believe in the need for women to be fully involved as equal partners in all peace and security processes that this struggle can still be accelerated to achieve the results envisaged if top UN leadership spearheads a bold time-bound initiative to steer the course forward. But will this rallying cry be embraced?


Author(s):  
Miwa Hirono

In the early 1990s the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) began looking beyond traditional war-fighting operations and engaging in so-called military operations other than war (MOOTW), which include United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. Before the late 1980s, China repeatedly objected to UN peacekeeping activities as violations of, or interference in, the affairs of sovereign states. However, it reversed its policy in November 1988 when it joined the UN Special Peacekeeping Committee. Since its first peacekeeping operation in 1990, China’s involvement in such operations has expanded steadily. Among the United Nations Security Council permanent member states, China has most often contributed the largest number of peacekeeping personnel (monthly contribution being 2,583 persons on average in 2017). As of September 2018 it ranks eleventh among the nations that contribute military and police forces to UN missions and first among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. In 2016, China’s financial contribution to UN peacekeeping operations surpassed that of Japan—formerly the second largest contributor—to now rank as the second largest contributor. At a UN peacekeeping summit in September 2015, Xi Jinping declared that China would further support UN peacekeeping by establishing a permanent peacekeeping police force, creating an eight-thousand-strong standby force and contributing US$1 billion in military assistance to the African Union. China’s peacekeeping contribution has evolved in terms of quality as well. The majority of Chinese peacekeepers dispatched from the People’s Liberation Army are so-called force enablers such as engineers and medical and transportation companies; however, when they go to areas in which force-protection is necessary, and the protection of civilians is included in UN mandates, China dispatches “security units,” “guard detachments,” or infantry forces equipped with light arms and armored vehicles. China’s peacekeeping activity has attracted the attention of not only China scholars but also those who study international peacekeeping: this is because the abovementioned expanding activities specifically, and the rise of China more generally, may have considerable impact on the future of international peacekeeping. The key debate in China’s peacekeeping literature resonates with a wider international relations debate on the implication of China’s rise for the international order—is China a “status quo” power that helps strengthen the existing international peacekeeping order, or a “revisionist” power that challenges it? In other words, to what extent does China’s behavior accord with or begin to shape the evolving international norms of UN peacekeeping, which have been established by dominant Western states over a long period? Relatedly, China’s expanding contribution to UN peacekeeping also raises a question about what approach China might have to one of its diplomatic principles—that of non-intervention/non-interference. Although UN peacekeeping operations can go ahead only when host states give consent to such operations, contemporary peacekeeping takes place where there is no peace to keep. Thus, troop contributing countries will have to take up arms and engage in fighting when necessary. Further, the UN is “assisting,” or sometimes close to creating, the fundamental components of sovereign states—a judiciary system, police and military forces, and sociopolitical institutions, among others. China’s proactive participation in this type of operation may meddle with its principle of non-intervention/non-interference. Many policy-relevant studies, such as those by the International Crisis Group and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), provide policy recommendations to Chinese and Western governments suggesting ways in which China’s peacekeeping contribution can be beneficial to the current peacekeeping order. Given that the study of China’s peacekeeping began, in the main, in the 2000s, the majority of publications can be found in journals, with the exception of a number of autobiographies written by Chinese peacekeepers, which have been published as books in the Chinese language.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard F. Hutabarat

<p align="justify">As peacekeeping has evolved to encompass a broader humanitarian approach, women personels have become increasingly part of the peacekeeping family. The UN has called for more deployment of female peacekeepers to enhance the overall “holistic” approach to current UN peacekeeping operations. There is clearly more work to be done to integrate more female peacekeepers into UN missions. More skilled and trained female peacekeepers can only be an asset to future peacekeeping operations. In October 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The resolution was hailed as a landmark resolution in that for the first time, the Security Council recognised the contribution women make during and post-conflict. Since the adoption of Resolution 1325, attention to gender perspectives within the international peace agenda has ¬firmly been placed within the broader peace and security framework. This article explains the development of Indonesian female peacekeepers contribution in the period of 2009-20016 and argues why Indonesia needs to support and to consider deploying more female peacekeepers in UN peacekeeping operations.</p>


Author(s):  
Jasmine-Kim Westendorf

In the past fifteen years, despite the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security and the Secretary-General’s Bulletin on Zero Tolerance of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers, abuse by interveners remains prevalent in peace operations. SEA is not only perpetrated by peacekeepers, but also aid workers, diplomats, private contractors, and others associated with interventions. This chapter maps the extent and main characteristics of SEA in peace operations, and investigates the ways the international community has attempted to prevent and hold individuals accountable for SEA. It provides an assessment of the weaknesses in the existing WPS framework regarding SEA, particularly in terms of its engagement with masculinities, capital, and other permissive factors that make SEA such a central feature of peacekeeping operations.


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