scholarly journals Art, Power and Knowledge: Claiming Public Space in Tunisia

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 250-274
Author(s):  
Charles Tripp

Charles Tripp argues that through artistic interventions – graffiti, visual street art, performances, demonstrations, banners, slogans – citizens have appropriated the public sphere. Despite the monitoring of political dissent through persuasion or coercion, an activist public has created highly visible public spaces, assisted and encouraged by citizen artists. They have generated debates and have helped to give substance to competing visions of the republic.

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.


2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olufunke Adeboye

AbstractOver the past two decades Nigeria has become a hotbed of Pentecostal activity. It is the view of this study that Pentecostal visibility in Nigeria has been enhanced not just by Pentecostals’ aggressive utilization of media technology for proselytization as claimed by previous scholars, but also by their appropriation of public spaces for worship. This study not only focuses on the church in the cinema hall, but also on churches in nightclubs, hotels, and other such places previously demonized as ‘abode[s] of sin’ by classical Pentecostals. This paper argues that users’ perception of public spaces having rigid meanings and unchanging usage was responsible for much of the tensions experienced. It would be more useful for academic analysts and various ‘publics’ to construe such spaces as dynamic sites, at once reflecting mutations in the public sphere, responsive to local and global socio-economic processes, and amenable to periodic reinventions and negotiations.


Author(s):  
Floriane Gaber

There are countries in the world where ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’ don’t have the same meaning as in our western European countries, especially in the street or in what is called ‘public space’. Even so, in some of these countries, street art festivals exist and they can change the life of the artists and of the population. Jürgen Habermas, in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1962), has defined this term. According to him, the bourgeois public sphere (which appeared in the 18th century) is the place between private individuals and government authorities in which people can meet and have critical debates about public matters. Whether debates are about culture, habits or law, in the countries discussed in this chapter (Iran, Belarus, Morocco and Kuwait), this barely happens. Critical debate is forbidden or simply inconceivable.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 459-492
Author(s):  
Umi Chaidaroh

Many women in modern times take part in public spaces. Moreover, women are also involved with Islamic movements which are often associated as fundamentalist movements such as Hizbut Tahrir (HT). In Indonesia, HT has a wing of women’s organization called the Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (MHTI). Women’s activists play pivotal role in the public space to help HT achieve its goals. Fundamentalist women who work in the public sphere seem to contradict with the growing assumption asserting that Islamic fundamentalist movements are often associated with the magnitude of oppression against women. It has been, however, seems to be a paradox. Considering the aforement-ioned argument, it is important to examine the thoughts concerning women’s jurisprudence of HT. Using compara-tive approach this study focuses on written literature as the main source. The results of the study prove that the thought concerning women’s jurisprudence of HT tends to be rigid. Interestingly, however, the study also finds that within particular cases the jurisprudence shows its flexibility, but it is even can be called liberal.


Author(s):  
Simon Morgan Wortham

This chapter explores the theme of the ‘outside’, and the fears, desires, drives and indeed drift it seems to inspire, in order to raise the question of agoraphobia in a number of contexts. In particular, agoraphobia is not only about recoil or retreat from public spaces: surprisingly enough, an abiding fear of the ‘open’ may in fact generate the conditions of possibility for a democratically-oriented public sphere, however fragile and contradictory they may be. Agoraphobic fear of the space of the public square, whether crowded or comparatively empty, can produce inconsistent effects, provoking reactionary paranoia as well as inspiring political dissent. But if the appeal to the ‘rational ground’ of a public sphere is at least in part based upon agoraphobic, crowd-fearing impulses, its evocation of reason and duty is exceeded and resisted by a notion of Levinasian responsibility that has been described in terms of an ‘ethical agoraphobia’. If the ‘ethical agoraphobia’ of Levinasian responsibility entails a step into the ‘open’ that cannot simply be faced fearlessly, then this surely prompts critique of recent speculative materialism as in want of an object to be scared of.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Dwi Kurniasih

This study aims to explain the forms of speech hate in the public space using pragmatic theory, especially acts of perlokusi speech. In addition, this research also explains the actualization of the Solo Raya Center for Religion and Peace Studies in minimizing the utterances of hatred in the public sphere. The method used in this study is descriptive qualitative. Data is obtained from hate speech monitored by PSAP for the period January-December 2017 until January-July 2018. Data is a word or sentence in the form of banners and the like with utterances of hate spread in public spaces. The results of the study show that all forms of speech if associated with pragmatic science, are all included in the category of perlocution speech acts, because they all lead to the power of one's influence or cause bad stereotypes. Based on the class of hate speech forms, the data presented is classified into several types of hate speech, namely (1) insult; (2) provocation; (3) oppression; (4) speech of crime. In addition, a forum for communication and discussion is needed to erode speeches of hatred. For example, the formation of the Solo Raya PSAP institution as a form of minimizing the utterance of hate in the public space.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.


Author(s):  
Natalia Kostenko

The subject matter of research interest here is the movement of sociological reflection concerning the interplay of public and private realms in social, political and individual life. The focus is on the boundary constructs embodying publicity, which are, first of all, classical models of the space of appearance for free citizens of the polis (H. Arendt) and the public sphere organised by communicative rationality (Ju. Habermas). Alternative patterns are present in modern ideas pertaining to the significance of biological component in public space in the context of biopolitics (M. Foucault), “inclusive exclusion of bare life” (G. Agamben), as well as performativity of corporeal and linguistic experience related to the right to participate in civil acts such as popular assembly (J. Butler), where the established distinctions between the public and the private are levelled, and the interrelationship of these two realms becomes reconfigured. Once the new media have come into play, both the structure and nature of the public sphere becomes modified. What assumes a decisive role is people’s physical interaction with online communication gadgets, which instantly connect information networks along various trajectories. However, the rapid development of information technology produces particular risks related to the control of communications industry, leaving both public and private realms unprotected and deforming them. This also urges us to rethink the issue of congruence of the two ideas such as transparency of societies and security.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Berger

The relationship between law and religion in contemporary civil society has been a topic of increasing social interest and importance in Canada in the past many years. We have seen the practices and commitments of religious groups and individuals become highly salient on many issues of public policy, including the nature of the institution of marriage, the content of public education, and the uses of public space, to name just a few. As the vehicle for this discussion, I want to ask a straightforward question: When we listen to our public discourse, what is the story that we hear about the relationship between law and religion? How does this topic tend to be spoken about in law and politics – what is our idiom around this issue – and does this story serve us well? Though straightforward, this question has gone all but unanswered in our political and academic discussions. We take for granted our approach to speaking about – and, therefore, our way of thinking about – the relationship between law and religion. In my view, this is most unfortunate because this taken-for-grantedness is the source of our failure to properly understand the critically important relationship between law and religion.


2019 ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfredo Manfredini

Considering place-based participation a crucial factor for the development of sustainable and resilient cities in the post-digital turn age, this paper addresses the socio-spatial implications of the recent transformation of relationality networks. To understand the drivers of spatial claims emerged in conditions of digitally augmented spectacle and simulation, it focuses on changes occurring in key nodes of central urban public and semi-public spaces of rapidly developing cities. Firstly, it proposes a theoretical framework for the analysis of problems related to socio-spatial fragmentation, polarisation and segregation of urban commons subject to external control. Secondly, it discusses opportunities and criticalities emerging from a representational paradox depending on the ambivalence in the play of desire found in digitally augmented semi-public spaces. The discussion is structured to shed light on specific socio-spatial relational practices that counteract the dissipation of the “common worlds” caused by sustained processes of urban gentrification and homogenisation. The theoretical framework is developed from a comparative critical urbanism approach inspired by the right to the city and the right to difference, and elaborates on the discourse on sustainable development that informs the United Nations’ New Urban Agenda. The analysis focuses on how digitally augmented geographies reintroduce practices of participation and commoning that reassemble fragmented relational infrastructures and recombine translocal social, cultural and material elements. Empirical studies on the production of advanced simulative and transductive spatialities in places of enhanced consumption found in Auckland, New Zealand, ground the discussion. These provide evidence of the extent to which the agency of the augmented territorialisation forces reconstitutes inclusive and participatory systems of relationality. The concluding notes, speculating on the emancipatory potential found in these social laboratories, are a call for a radical redefinition of the approach to the problem of the urban commons. Such a change would improve the capacity of urbanism disciplines to adequately engage with the digital turn and efficaciously contribute to a maximally different spatial production that enhances and strengthens democracy and pluralism in the public sphere.


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