The Roman Republic and the Crisis of American Democracy: Echoes of the Past

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122
Author(s):  
Dean Hammer

Abstract My starting point is a fundamental paradox that lies at the heart of the slow demise of the Roman Republic: why does the system collapse when, as many scholars have noted, there is nothing that suggests that there was ever an intention by anyone to overthrow the Republic? Understanding this paradox is key to identifying what Rome might have to say to us today. What changes in the final decades of the Roman Republic is a declining view of the ability of political institutions to project the community into the future. This change is due to important alterations in the norms that provide the background context by which individuals working through institutions can get things done. The changes in these norms not only disable these institutions, making them seem less capable of projecting the community into the future, but also make possible alterations in the political framework that might have been inconceivable before. In particular, one sees the elevation of individuals who offer solutions by promising to bypass those ineffective and unresponsive institutions.

Leadership ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 174271502199959
Author(s):  
Chellie Spiller
Keyword(s):  
The Past ◽  

This article encourages a move away from the excessively inward gaze of ‘to thine own self be true’ and explores ‘I AM’ consciousness as a starting point. An I AM approach encourages a move from the measurable self to the immeasurable expansiveness and mystery of our own becoming. It is to step beyond the lines drawn around the ‘true self’ or the lines that others would have us draw. I AM consciousness reflects an ancient Indigenous thread that echoes through millennia and reminds humans that we are a movement through time, and each person is a present link to the past and the future, woven into a fabric of belonging.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pete Dale

Slampt Underground Organisation was conceived in 1992 by Rachel Holborow and Pete Dale, issuing music, fanzines and ephemera from then until 2000. Perceived as a record label, Slampt sold tens of thousands of units and seems to have had a significant impact on particular individuals who might or might not be best described as ‘fans’. This article uses the author’s archives and reflections to collate detail, much of it not publically available before, about a label/distributor/organization, which has already been a point of interest to several researchers and journalists but which is nonetheless unknown to most, even in punk-related music scenes, in the present century. The author, as one half of Slampt’s de facto leading partnership, reveals that this status as a largely forgotten arm of 1990s UK punk is not entirely accidental: Dale and Holborow actively believed in ephemerality as an ideal, particularly in punk. Using this case as a starting point, the article asks whether punk really ought to be as fixated on documenting its past, finding its place in museums/galleries and gaining recognition in rock history. Is punk about collectible objects, about a particular mode of subjectivity or, perhaps, about a phenomenological combination of the two? The irony of the author writing the article at this time is acknowledged: Slampt is being written back in to punk history, even if only in the margins, through the act of publishing this piece. Nonetheless, the article is based around the assumption that the present and the future will always be more important than the past.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Maskun ◽  
Rian Nugraha

Pancasila experiences ups and downs of development, not due to the weakness of the values contained therein, but rather leads to inconsistencies in its application. In line with the acceptance of the truth of noble values of Pancasila then drove the flow and spirit to make Pancasila as a paradigm. History also noted how from the past until now Pancasila often get a challenge that resulted in the crisis for the existence of the Indonesian nation. The challenge faced by Pancasila as the view of life and the foundation of the state is always directly proportional to the challenges faced by the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia as a whole. Paradigm is actually a way of view, values, methods, basic principles to solve a problem faced by a nation into the future. The results of research show First, Philosophically the essence of Pancasila as the paradigm of legal development contains a consequence that all aspects of legal development within the framework of national development should be based on the nature of Pancasila values; Secondly, As a legal development paradigm, Pancasila wants that development in society becomes the starting point of the existence of a legal product.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-52
Author(s):  
Miroslav Tuđman

The author gives an overview of the history of National Security and the Future (NSF). The first editorial board accepted a clear vision and mission of the NSF. That is why the NSF had to react to the political circumstances in which the journal has operated for 20 years. In the first period, international circumstances and the policy of detuđmanization directly influenced the choice of topics and papers published in the journal. For the past five years, the NSF has paid particular attention to the security of national and European critical infrastructure. A total of 257 texts were published on more than 8,000 pages and authored by 134 authors from 25 countries. The NSF has published studies on historical forgery, information operations, production of "fake news" and contributions to the theory and methodology of intelligence activities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-609
Author(s):  
Valentina Arena

Abstract This essay aims at identifying a tradition of lawgivers in the political culture of the late Republic. It focuses on the antiquarian tradition of the second half of the first century BC, which, it argues, should be considered part of the wider quest for legal normativism that takes place towards the end of the Republic. By reconstructing the intellectual debates on the nature of the consulship, which at the time was carried out through the means of etymological research, this essay shows that, when set within its proper philosophical framework, ancient etymological studies acted as a search for philosophical truth and, in the case of Varro, identify the early kings as the first Roman lawgivers. In turn, the language of political institutions and its etymologies, conceived along philosophical lines, could become a weapon in the constitutional battles of the late Republic.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.


Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


2021 ◽  
pp. 281-298
Author(s):  
Joseph D. Kearney ◽  
Thomas W. Merrill

This chapter reviews how the political settlements and legal understandings canvassed in the account continue to affect the Chicago lakefront today. It offers brief snapshots of five more recent developments on the lakefront that reflect the influence of the past — and that may be indicative of the future. The chapter begins by recounting the boundary-line agreement of 1912 which planted the seeds of the Illinois Central's demise on the lakefront. Today, the railroad has largely disappeared from the lakefront, in both name and fact. The chapter then shifts to discuss the Ward cases, which continue to affect the shape of the lakefront. It chronicles the success of Millennium Park and the Illinois Supreme Court's demotion of the public dedication doctrine to a statutory right limited to Grant Park. The chapter also recounts the Deep Tunnel project and the challenges in the South Works site. Ultimately, it discusses the appearance of the public trust doctrine on the lakefront, being invoked by preservationist groups to challenge both a new museum and the construction of President Barack Obama's presidential library (called the Obama Presidential Center).


1982 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Bühlmann

My assistants at ETH have a wall calendar—not with the usual pictures of Swiss mountains, hills and lakes, but with “quotations for intelligent people”. Recently, the quotation for the week read as follows: “Even the future is no longer what it used to be in the past”.Observe that also in this supposedly intelligent approach it seems impossible to speak about the future without referring to the past. I shall not deviate from this rule. Of course, my task is greatly simplified by the fact that Paul Johansen has just entertained you in a charming way about the past 25 years of ASTIN and the earlier endeavors leading to the foundation of ASTIN.In the year 1693, Edmond Halley constructed the first mortality table based on mortality data from Breslau which he had obtained through the intervention of Leibniz. This can be regarded as the starting point of actuarial science. In my opinion it can however not be considered as the starting point of the actuarial profession. Why? Yes, Halley's table was used for some eighty years because subsequent information coincided with his estimate of mortality. Yes, De Moivre, in his classic textbook of 1725, performed ingenious calculations of annuities, based on the same table. Yes, Süssmilch published the first basic and substantial work of demography in 1741 but—here comes the big but—no government (and nobody else sold annuity insurance at that time) made use of the available scientific method to calculate annuities. Perhaps the first statistical results to be taken seriously were the Northampton tables of 1780, devised by Richard Price. Incidentally, this date coincides reasonably well with the first valuation by William Morgan in 1786. Hence, I think that either of these dates may be taken, at the earliest, as the start of the actuarial profession, a profession being by definition a dedicated group of people accepted by society for the performance of a particular skill. Let me make my point explicit: We have historical evidence of the existence of actuarial science about 90 years prior to the emergence of the actuarial profession.


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