The Political Reconstitution of Canadian Federalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 88-111
Federalism-E ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-42
Author(s):  
Kimberley Gosse

Federalism is essentially a system of voluntary self-rule and shared rule […] a binding partnership among equals in which the parties to the covenant retain their individual identity while creating a new entity.‖1 Canadian federalism illustrates how a political sub-unit such as a province, can maintain personal autonomy while contributing and recognizing its importance to the holistic entity. The federal and provincial governments‘ relationship is constitutional, as their division of powers is entrenched in our written Canadian constitution. However, ambiguity in legislature and a provinces belief of having a weak political identity can create tension among these levels of government. Historically, this has been an issue seen through the province of Quebec and the political turmoil experienced on each respective level of government [...]


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel V. LaSelva

AbstractThe Trudeau-Lévesque debate has created a political deadlock that threatens not only Confederation but federalism as well. At the core of the political deadlock is a philosophical dispute about language, in which liberty is set against community, and particularism becomes opposed to universalism. Not only does the Trudeau-Lévesque deadlock presuppose an antagonism between basic values that is difficult to justify, but it has also diverted attention from important dimensions of Canadian federalism. An exploration of the Trudeau-Lévesque debate provides insights as to how the deadlock can be dissolved, thereby facilitating the re-imagination of Confederation.


Polar Record ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 21 (131) ◽  
pp. 117-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard W. Funston

‘No scheme of Canadian historiography yet advanced is wholly satisfactory because none as yet takes account of the occurrence of the North’ (Morton, 1970, p 31). Where Canadian historiography has been silent, studies of Canadian federalism have chosen to ignore. The Northwest Territories (NWT) and die Yukon Territory have certainly never been major actors in national political forums, nor have they yet to play a significant role in the political processes surrounding the two major preoccupations of Canadian federalism, namely the economy and national unity.


2012 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 597-626
Author(s):  
David Schneiderman

When historians proffer historical truths they “must not merely tell truths,” they must “demonstrate their truthfulness as well,” observes Hackett Fisher. As against this standard, Frederick Vaughan's intellectual biography of Richard Burdon Haldane does not fare so well. Vaughan argues that Viscount Haldane’s jurisprudential tilt, which favoured the provinces in Canadian federalism cases before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, was rooted in Haldane’s philosophizing about Hegel. He does so, however, without much reference to the political and legal currents within which Haldane thought, wrote, and thrived. More remarkably, Vaughan does not derive from his reading of Haldane and Hegel any clear preference for the local over the national. We are left to look elsewhere for an explanation for Haldane’s favouring of the provincial side in division-of-powers cases. Vaughan additionally speculates about why Haldane’s predecessor Lord Watson took a similar judicial path, yet offers only tired and unconvincing rationales. Vaughan, lastly, rips Haldane out of historical context for the purpose of condemning contemporary Supreme Court of Canada decision making under the Charter. Under the guise of purposive interpretation, Vaughan claims that the justices are guilty of constitutionalizing a “historical relativism” that Vaughan wrongly alleges Hegel to have propounded. While passing judgment on the book’s merits, the purpose of this review essay is to evaluate the book by situating it in the historiographic record, a record that Vaughan ignores at his peril.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary N. Wilson

Abstract.The creation of an autonomous region of Nunavikwithinthe province of Quebec would constitute a new phase in the development of Canadian federalism. Although there is no existing domestic model for such a political arrangement, the system of nested federalism in the Russian Federation offers a useful comparative tool for examining the internal and external features of the emerging system of government in Nunavik, as well as the challenges of operationalizing and embedding such a system within the Canadian federal structure. This article outlines the basic principles of nested federalism and considers them in light of recent developments in the region of Nunavik, including the initialing of an “Agreement in Principle concerning the amalgamation of certain public institutions and the creation of the Nunavik Regional Government” between the regional, provincial and federal governments in August 2007. The article concludes that although the Agreement in Principle does not entrench the types of intergovernmental mechanisms and jurisdictional powers that were recommended by the 2001 Report of the Nunavik Commission and that are necessary to the proper functioning of a nested federal arrangement, the political amalgamation outlined in this document represents a significant step forward in terms of creating an institutional framework for an autonomous, nested region in Nunavik.Résumé.La création d'une région autonome du Nunavik à l'intérieur de la province du Québec constituerait une nouvelle phase dans le développement du fédéralisme canadien. Bien qu'il n'y ait aucun modèle domestique existant d'un tel arrangement politique le système de fédéralisme “encastré” dans la Fédération Russe offre un outil comparatif utile pour examiner les caractéristiques internes et externes du système de gouvernement émergeant au Nunavik. L'exemple russe démontre aussi les défis fonctionnels liés à l'établissement d'un tel système à l'intérieur de la structure fédérale existante au Canada. Cet article développe les principes de base d'un “fédéralisme encastré” et les considère en vue des développements récents dans la région du Nunavik, incluant les négociations pour un “Entente de principe sur la fusion de certaines institutions publiques et la création du gouvernement régional du Nunavik” entre les différents gouvernements régional, provincial et fédéral en août 2007. L'article conclut que bien que l'Accord de Principe n'inclut pas les types de mécanismes intergouvernementaux et les pouvoirs juridictionnels qui étaient recommandés dans le Rapport de 2001 de la Commission de Nunavik et qui sont nécessaires au bon fonctionnement d'un arrangement fédéral “encastré,” le fusionnement politique développé dans ce document représente un pas en avant significatif dans la construction institutionnelle d'un Nunavik autonome à l'intérieur du Québec.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Jean-Christophe Bédard-Rubin

Unlike in Canada, the doctrine of political safe-guards of federalism is a tantalizing presence in American constitutional law that changing tides and moods have never completely submerged. The core idea is simple: political institutions in the United States have been designed to ensure that interests of the states are represented in the federal decision-making process. Thus, the judiciary does not need to intervene to police the federal division of powers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2008
Author(s):  
James Bickerton

The controversy generated by the federal government’s unilateral alteration of the Atlan- tic Accords,1 and the subsequent bitter political standoff between the federal government and the provinces of Nova Scotia and Newfound- land and Labrador, was the initial stimulus for this article. The agreements, the alleged breach of trust involved in their unilateral alteration, and the political fallout, manoeuvrings, and ne- gotiations that followed, raise a number of is- sues about the mechanisms and pathologies of executive federalism in Canada. This episode also provides some insight into a continuing source of misunderstanding and grievance that persists in centre-periphery relations in Canada — the issues of equalization and regional devel- opment. The purpose of this article is to use the controversy as a case study to inquire into these issues, with a view to making an incremental contribution to the critical literature on the in- stitutions of Canadian federalism.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


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