Politics and Religion in European Nation-States: Institutional Varieties and Contemporary Transformations

2005 ◽  
pp. 291-315
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Biti

Across the postimperial East Central Europe, whose geopolitical space was reconfigured on the model of West European nation-states, unprocessed human residues proliferated as the collateral effects of politically guided national homogenizations. These positional outsiders, who were prevented from becoming legible within the newly established political spaces, take center stage in Kafka’s narratives, not only in the form of their characters but also their narrators and ultimate authority. They passionately attach themselves to the zones of indistinction, which the modern societies’ “egalitarian discrimination” has doomed them to, thus trying to turn their enforced dispossession into a chosen self-dispossession. I argue that Kafka’s narratives owe their elusive ultimate authority precisely to this persistent translation of the political state of exception of his agencies into their literary state of exemption. They are at constant pains to transfigure the imposed state of exception through its peculiar fictional adoption, but Kafka’s ultimate narrative authority nevertheless takes care to keep an edge over their efforts. It is precisely this never-ending gradation of subversive mimicry in Kafka’s works that his postcolonial successor J. M. Coetzee most admired.


Author(s):  
Catherine Barnard

This chapter examines the concept of Union citizenship and the rights EU citizens enjoy. European citizenship allows individuals a variety of associative relations based on economic, social, cultural, scholarly, and even political activities, irrespective of the traditional territorial boundaries of the European nation states, without binding individuals to a particular nationality. In particular, this chapter examines the rights enjoyed by citizens under the Citizens’ Rights Directive 2004/38, including family rights and what rights citizens enjoy independent of being economically active.


2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devorah Kalekin-Fishman ◽  
Pirkko Pitkänen

2010 ◽  
Vol 109 (725) ◽  
pp. 99-104
Author(s):  
Stein Kuhnle

The form of the welfare state may change, but … European nation-states will continue to view public responsibility for citizen welfare as an important role.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Calvyn Clarence Du Toit

On 2 September 2004, at the start of the new school year in France, a law was enacted banning all religious symbols and garb in public schools. The media interpreted this law as focused on the khimar (headscarves) that Muslim girls wear as part of hijab (modesty). On 14 September 2010, a ban on covering one's face in public followed. Such legal action, limiting religious freedom, is gaining traction among European nation-states partly due to their inability to deal with religious diversity in a constructive way, partly fuelled by a fear of religious extremism. According to the developing study of complexity theory in philosophy, however, dealing with religious diversity in such a way will only lead to a larger rift between nation-states and religious extremists; decreasing the meaningfulness and limiting the resilience of societies. This paper, attempts to track ways around such limiting legal moves by revisiting Derrida’s 1996 speech at the International Parliament of Writers published as On Cosmopolitanism. Employing an idea from Derrida’s address and supplementing it with one from Žižek, I will show how cities might become spaces that challenge austere and protective legal measures, enacted against religions, by European nation-states.


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Augenstein

In the process of European constitutionalisation, the European Union continues to struggle for an identity that can generate widespread support amongst its peoples. Against this background it has been suggested by some that a European identity should embrace the Christian values that underpin Europe’s national traditions and cultures. In this paper I shall argue that, instead of relying on a communitarian vision of a ‘Christian Europe’, a European identity should build on a culture of religious tolerance. A European culture of religious tolerance draws on the enduring of difference and the acknowledgement of persisting and intractable conflict as essential experiences of Europe’s Christian past. Thus understood, tolerance lies at the roots of a European identity. At the same time, and through the conditional inclusion of religious diversity in the European Nation-States, a European culture of religious tolerance creates over time new commonalities between Europe’s religiously permeated national traditions. Thus understood, tolerance only brings about the conditions for the development of a supranational European identity that amounts to more than (the sum of) its national counterparts.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-62
Author(s):  
H. A. Hellyer

Muslims and Islam have been at the center of some of the most vital post-9/11 debates. In Europe, the controversy has intensified due to the conflation of the aforementioned discussions and the arguments currently raging in Europe surrounding European identity. In such parleys, the assumption has been that Muslims in Europe are an alien presence with a short and temporary history. This article seeks to demonstrate that historically speaking, this is not necessarily a foregone conclusion. The integration of Muslims and the recognition of Islam may take place through a variety of different ways owing to the specificities of individual European nation-states. However, they will need to consider the past precedents of the Muslim presence in order to appropriately organize the present and in looking to the future.


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