Elusive Enthusiasm: Parliamentary Democracy in the Newly Founded European Nation-States After the First World War—The Case of Poland

Author(s):  
Stephanie Zloch
Author(s):  
Alison Carrol

This chapter introduces Alsace and contextualizes its interwar experience by tracing its longer history. Alsace was gradually incorporated into France during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, annexed into Germany in 1871, and then returned to France in 1918 in the aftermath of the First World War and the Alsatian Revolution. Across these years, transfers of Alsatian sovereignty led to movements of the border between France and Germany. This chapter discusses Alsatian experiences of these years, and suggests that their impact was to unify the regional population that was divided by confession, class, gender, and milieu. In doing so it considers the ways in which cross-border contact shaped Alsatian society, while evolving ideas about borders ensured that the boundary was increasingly described as a dividing line between nation states.


Author(s):  
Roger D. Markwick ◽  
Nicholas Doumanis

Europe was a continent of nation states by the mid-twentieth century. But it was not always thus. The patchwork quilt of nation states and the nationalism that coloured them in were forged by massive social and political shifts that had been gathering momentum since the late nineteenth century. Viewing nations and nationalism as constructs of modern, global capitalism, often legitimated by national mythologies old and new, this chapter surveys the forces at work: from above and below, from centre and periphery. The First World War raised nationalism to white heat, and as multi-ethnic empires faltered, myriad subaltern nationalisms erupted, demanding ‘self-determination’, the watchword of the post-war peace settlements. But the war also unleashed internationalist class challenges to belligerent nationalism, culminating in the 1917 Russian Revolution. Thereafter, European nationalism assumed its most truculent guise: fascism and military dictatorships warring against class in the name of ethnic, national, and biological purity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Jarosław Wołkonowski

After the First World War, three concepts clashed in Eastern Europe: the model of the nation state, the expansion of the Bolshevik revolution implemented by Russia and the union of nation-states (Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus and Latvia) according to Piłsudski resulting from the threat. Russia in the years 1920-1921 signed five peace treaties, but only the treaty with Lithuania contained secret arrangements regarding the neutrality of Lithuania in the Bolshevik-Polish war. The analysis of the source material shows that Russia used the secret provisions of the peace treaty in its plans for the expansion of bolshevism, and after the defeat of the Polish army, it was to carry out a Bolshevik coup in Lithuania. Despite the proclaimed neutrality, Lithuania turned out to be on the side of Russia in this conflict, causing additional difficulties for Polish troops in the Battle of Warsaw. The Polish victory over the Vistula impeded the expansion of Bolshevism to Europe.


2014 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 150-166
Author(s):  
Rebekah Klein-Pejšová

The scholarship on twentieth-century refugee movement highlights the persecution of national, ethnic, and religious minorities arising from state and nation-building. The very structure and function of modern nation-states made specific populations within them vulnerable outsiders. The nation-state limited and defined in new ways those groups for whom the state would take responsibility. “In practically every way we can imagine,” writes Michael Marrus, “the First World War imposed on contemporaries the awesome power of the nation-state.” Refugee movement has also been tied to policies of wartime persecution and the chaos of imperial collapse. Populations in flux mark a regime no longer in control, a state in dissolution and decay.


Author(s):  
Dmitar Tasić

This book is analysing the origins and manifestations of paramilitary violence in three neighbouring Balkan countries—Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania after the First World War. It shows the role of paramilitarism in internal as well as in external policies in all three above-mentioned states, and it focuses on the main actors and perpetrators of paramilitary violence, their social backgrounds, motivations and future career trajectories. It also places the region into the broader European context of booming paramilitarism that came as the result of first global conflict, dissolution of old empires, creation of nation-states and simultaneous revolutions. While paramilitarism in most of post-Great War European states was the product of violence of the First World War and brutalization which societies of both victorious and defeated countries went through, paramilitarism in the Balkans was closely connected with the already existing traditions originating from the period of armed struggle against the Ottoman rule, and state and nation building projects of the late 19th and early 20th century. Paramilitary traditions here were so strong that in all subsequent crises and military conflicts in the Balkans, i.e. the Second World War and Wars of Yugoslav Succession during the 1990’s, the legacy of paramilitarism remained alive and present. Among several features of paramilitarism in the Balkans 1917 - 1924 this book analyse strong inclination towards guerrilla warfare as the integral part of the warfare culture of the Balkans paramilitaries.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Cassels

At the close of World War I two schools of thought about the future conduct of international relations emerged into plain view. On the one hand, the traditionalists presumed that the principles and practices of pre-1914 diplomacy could and should be sustained. This implied a routine of continual competition among the sovereign nation states, the anarchy of which was mitigated only by the collective fear of hegemony by one state (the mechanism of the balance of power) and by a sense of belonging to a common civilization (the old Concert of Europe). Tacitly accepted as the final arbiter of vital questions was the instrument of war. On the other hand, the First World War had provided ample grounds for a swingeing critique of Realpolitik when practised in an age of mass armies and technological warfare.


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Schumann

Europe, the First World War, and its Aftermath: A Continuity of Violence? This essay summarizes the contributions of this volume and suggests paths for further research. Political and other violence, rather than resulting from a general «brutalization» of the soldiers on all sides, followed a pattern consistent with Theodor Schieder's threefold typology of the formation of nation-states in modern Europe. Violence was most pronounced in those parts of Eastern Europe where, after the collapse of authoritarian governments, new ideological conflicts exacerbated deep-rooted ethnic tensions. The visual aspect of politics needs further scrutiny, while the question how the redefinition of gender roles during and after the war affected politics and political violence is also important. Concepts of «modernization » may be helpful in determining the nature of postwar violence, provided that they are selective.


1974 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. Holton

The myth or reality of widespread social unrest in Britain in the period immediately before the First World War has attracted increasing attention among historians in recent years. Debate has centred upon two main themes, namely the character and impact of contemporary labour unrest, and the situation and prospects of the Liberal Party. Was British labour fundamentally disaffected from existing forms of industrial relations and from Parliamentary democracy? Was the pre-1914 Liberal Party already in decline and unable to withstand the advance of the Labour Party? Several recent writers have returned sceptical or largely negative conclusions to questions of this kind. In so doing they have sought to dispel a popularly held notion of incipient social breakdown and imminent social change, proposed amongst others by Dangerfield in The Strange Death of Liberal England.


Author(s):  
Karma Sami ◽  
Monika Smialkowska

AbstractThe 300th anniversary of William Shakespeare’s death in 1916 coincided with an unprecedented political crisis across the globe. The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 brought to the fore the ambitions of the established and would-be colonial powers, conflicts between and within existing nation states, and disenfranchised groups’ aspirations for self-determination. Recent scholarship has demonstrated how the 1916 Shakespearean commemorations in countries such as Britain, Germany, Ireland, and the USA registered these political upheavals. However, research into the Shakespeare Tercentenary has so far neglected Egypt’s complex response to the occasion. Amidst developing political tensions, which were to culminate in the Revolution of 1919, Egyptian intellectuals nevertheless chose to commemorate Shakespeare’s Tercentenary. These commemorations, however, were marked by ambivalence: while expressing admiration for Shakespeare, Egyptian commentators questioned the appropriateness of celebrating an English writer instead of promoting Egypt’s, and the Arabs’, own national literature. This chapter examines the manifestations of these conflicting feelings, ranging from the heated press debates surrounding the occasion, through Cairo University’s celebrations, to tributes published by individual intellectuals, such as Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid and Mohammed Hafiz Ibrahim. In doing so, the chapter explores the ambiguities created by celebrating a cultural anniversary at a historical moment fraught with acute colonial tensions.


Author(s):  
Stefan Rinke ◽  
Karina Kriegesmann

Without doubt, since its very beginning, the 20th century has been a century of violence. Latin America, too, partook in that experience. This can be illustrated clearly by paying attention to the Mexican Revolution. The protracted civil war in which the various factions fought during many years demanded even more victims per capita than the First World War in all the belligerent European countries. In fact, the Mexican case emphasized that there was no possibility to keep out of the global spiral of violence that during the war years reached a hitherto unknown dimension and went beyond war-torn Europe or single nation states. In order to obtain a more detailed understanding of the interpretive models of the World War developed in Latin America and especially in Mexico, a consideration of the circumstances of cruelty in the subcontinent in the early decade of 1910 appears to be important. This does not mean to establish a causal connection between the developments in Mexico and the World War. However, an analysis of the viewpoint of numerous contemporaries reveals that both events were linked to a world in crisis. From the contemporaries’ perspective, a wave of violence had caught the whole globe and underpinned the end of its self-certainty. This article aims to depict the Mexican perceptions and connotations of the First World War while considering the specific regional circumstances and the interactions between global transformations and local experiences. For Mexico, in particular, the war appeared to be inserted in a period of social revolutionary turmoil and political disturbance, which reached its peak between 1917 and 1919. This process opened up new spaces for understanding the role of the nation as well as for its position in a world which was profoundly changing.


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