scholarly journals Developmental Regionalism and Regional Value Chains: Pitfalls to South Africa's Vision for the Tripartite Free Trade Area

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sören Scholvin

Regional integration via the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) received a significant boost when the South African parliament signed the corresponding agreement in October 2018. This article uncovers the convictions and objectives that drive South Africa's commitment to the TFTA. It reveals that South Africa sees the TFTA as a means of “developmental regionalism,” which is expected to facilitate region-wide industrialisation based on value addition in regional value chains (RVCs). For this purpose, South Africa seeks to coordinate industrial policies within the TFTA and rehabilitate infrastructure jointly with the regional states. In addition to explaining the logic behind these goals, and analysing how far they have already been achieved, the article also highlights important challenges to South Africa's vision for the TFTA. It calls the prospects of developmental regionalism into question, being particularly sceptical about the way in which RVCs are conceived.

2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Markusen

The paper focuses on how the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which will include both high-income developed and developing countries, will affect the options and investment strategies of multinational firms outside the region. Preliminary sections discuss the strategies open to both insider firms (headquartered with the Americas) and outsider firms, and the characteristics of technologies and countries that determine equilibrium location choices. Then I turn more explicitly to the question at hand, and suggest that a free-trade area of the Americas can be conceptually decomposed into (a) integration among the southern developing countries and (b) integration between the south and NAFTA. The first will give third-country multinationals horizontal investment opportunities to serve the effectively larger southern market with local production to serve the local southern market. The second gives third-country multinationals the opportunity to exploit low labor costs in the south to produce for export to North America (export-platform FDI). While this all sounds attractive for third-country firms, the theory emphasizes that the same advantages of integration are conferred upon U.S. and Canadian firms who have the additional advantage of supplying services and intermediate goods to southern affiliates at lower cost than the third country firms. This competitive effect from insider firms leads the theory to suggest weaker benefits to third-country firms than a simpler approach might predict.


Author(s):  
Jürgen Rüland

With the “leadership frame,” the chapter unearths a new interpretive frame of the Charter from 2009 onward, suggesting a gradual return of extant ideas of Indonesian foreign policymaking. The chapter also scrutinizes the internalization of the new EU-inspired ideas of regionalism. The litmus tests were events in which the territorial and economic sovereignty of Indonesia was challenged, such as the disputes with Malaysia over maritime borders and the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area. The response to these events showed that most stakeholders except civil society threw overboard many of the liberal-cosmopolitan values associated with European regional integration. Last, the chapter examines whether this ideational reversal continued under the Jokowi government and suggests that the latter did not abruptly break with the foreign policy of his predecessor. Many of the seemingly new Jokowi policies had their roots in the second term of the Yudhoyono presidency.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
F. A. Ismail

AbstractThe past decade and a half of the new millennium has ushered in dramatic changes to the architecture of world trade creating both opportunities and challenges for Africa’s development. The paper is critical of the recent paper of the World Bank that resuscitates the approach to trade liberalization and regional integration propagated by the Washington Consensus. The paper argues that African countries should adopt a “development integration” approach to regional integration that seeks to combine trade liberalization, industrial development and infrastructure development. The paper urges the World Bank and Africa’s trading partners from the north and south, such as the EU, the US and China, to work closely with the African Union to advance the negotiations and implementation of the Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA) and the African Union Agenda 2063.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-194
Author(s):  
Catherine Penda

African countries have long recognised that regional integration is vital if Africa is to optimise its growth potential and boost its bargaining power in the global marketplace. This explains the proliferation of several Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) across the continent culminating in the conclusion of the landmark African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). However, despite the concerted efforts to boost intra-trade among African countries, African borders remain ‘thick’ because of the continued existence of Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs) that reverse gains made from initiatives of trade liberalisation. Accordingly, if the landmark Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is to be successful, it must strive to address and eliminate Africa’s NTBs. It is argued in this paper that while the AfCFTA makes some important strides in reducing NTBs in intra-African trade, there are still some significant gaps in the AfCFTA’s provisions on NTBs that need to be addressed. Some of these gaps include: the lack of a comprehensive legal framework that adequately addresses all the categories of NTBs and the lack of clear guidelines on how to promote harmonisation among conflicting measures among RTAs. This article singles out and analyses provisions on NTBs under the AfCFTA with the aim of determining whether the AfCFTA addresses the challenges currently facing other RTAs in tackling NTBs. The author will identify shortcomings in the legal framework of the AfCFTA with the aim of making proposals to address them.


Author(s):  
Mariia Kravchenko ◽  

The article deals with the main integration associations of such a promising but controversial region, as Sub-Saharan Africa. The author emphasizes the continuity of regional integration associations’ formation that goes back to the colonial times, to the first half of the 20th century. Periodization of ongoing integration processes in Sub-Saharan Africa is proposed in the research. Key milestones for the further regional integration were: - 1963, the foundation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU); and the beginning of Independence for many postcolonial countries of Sub-Saharan Africa; - 1980, the Lagos Plan of Action adoption that led to the establishment in future of the following integration associations for Sub-Saharan Africa: ECOWAS, Economic Community of West African States; COMESA, Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa; ECCAS, Economic Community of Central African States; - 1991, the signing of the Abuja Treaty, which called for the African Economic Community creation as the new stage for economic cooperation and integration of the continent, including Sub-Saharan Africa; - 1999-2002, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) transition into the African Union (AU), launching of new partnerships and integration associations for Sub-Saharan Africa, increased integration. At the beginning of the 21st century, there are serious economic and political factors for disintegration in the region. Nevertheless, the following integration associations, as stated in the article, proved to be effective: SADC, Southern African Development Community; EAC, East African Community; COMESA, Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa. The author argues that the existence since 2015 the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) between EAC, COMESA and SADC marks a significant step forward for strengthening of integration associations for Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as for the achievement of African Union’s purpose to provide the African Continental Free Trade Area.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 413-432
Author(s):  
Anayochukwu Basil Chukwu ◽  
Tobechi Agbanike ◽  
Lasbrey Anochiwa

This study examines the possible challenges and prospects of the recent signing of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Agreement on South-South trade. The recent ratification of the agreement by the African Union (AU) Heads of Government and the establishment of the mega-regional trade agreements (MRTAs) by the major global trading economies are the biggest since the establishment of the WTO. One of these regional and continental agreements' principal objectives is to further strengthen trade terms and balance of trade statistics between member nations. Whereas almost all the regional and continental blocs have to a large extent, achieved the purpose of their trade agreements, Africa stands out as the only region whose intra-trade value still constitutes less than 15% of global trade share. Many reasons have been adduced to be responsible for the weak trade performance, one of which is weak regional integration. This study, therefore, concludes that for Africa to achieve significant improvement in global trade, the region needs to encourage regional trade, which will act as a catalyst for transforming the domestic economies and lay a robust foundation for healthy regional competition and integration


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Collins

Regionalism—the efforts of a group of nations to enhance their economic, political, social, and cultural interaction—can assume various forms, including regional integration/cooperation, market integration, development integration, with the intent of accommodating the changing national, international, and regional environment. Despite the fact that to this day, attempts at integration (in particular, market integration based on the EU model) and regionalist impulses as they currently occur have been entirely unproductive throughout the African continent, regionalism continues to be regarded by African leaders as a reasonable strategy for increasing intra-regional trade and for reversing Africa’s rising marginalization in the world economy. They continue to be assured by the success of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the viability of the European Union’s (EU) model for integration, which begins with a free trade area or preferential trade area and ends with complete economic integration. The EU model features a specific mode of decision making (qualified majority voting), conflict resolution mechanism (role of the European Court of Justice), budgetary arrangements (revenue collection and distribution), and citizen involvement (direct elections to the European Parliament) and takes on increasingly state-like functions. While extremely successful in integrating its constituent member state in Europe, as a model it is limited, given the unique circumstances under which it was established and promoted. As noted by Emil Kirchner: Consideration of the EU as a model for other regional integration settings might be limited, given the unique circumstances in which it was established and promoted. Born out of conflict, the EU benefited from special circumstances in its development, e.g. the Cold War, the United States guarantee and nurturing role, and the industrialised nature of the European economies, which are not found elsewhere.


2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira

This article argues that Brazil went from a posture of estrangement in relation to the hemispheric project represented by the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) to a strategy of cooperative hegemony aimed at institutionalizing the South American space and increasing the costs of the FTAA for the United States. Although Brazil was initially isolated, US lack of leadership combined with events at the subregional level ended up turning the tide in the direction of Brazilian interests. These factors help to understand the current institutional configuration of South America.


2000 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-498
Author(s):  
S. H. Gay ◽  
W. L. Nieuwoudt

This paper evaluates the effects of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between South Africa and the European Union (EU) on the South African orange industry. Oranges account for ten percent of South African agricultural exports. The aggregate trade simulation model used here is designed on the programme STELLA, and consists of regional production models, a local market model, an export model and an exchange rate model. Results indicate that the FTA is expected to have small positive effects on both South African producers and consumers. This is caused by increasing real free-on-board prices and decreasing real local prices of oranges. Total area under oranges will increase more with the FT A, which thus results in a larger orange production too.


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