Does Partisanship Shape Attitudes toward Science and Public Policy? The Case for Ideology and Religion

Author(s):  
Joshua M. Blank ◽  
Daron Shaw

Despite the apparent partisan divide over issues such as global warming and hydraulic fracturing, little is known about what shapes citizens’ willingness to accept scientific recommendations on political issues. We examine the extent to which Democrats, Republicans, and independents are likely to defer to scientific expertise in matters of policy. Our study draws on an October 2013 U.S. national survey of 2,000 respondents. We find that partisan differences exist: our data show that most Americans see science as relevant to policy, but that their willingness to defer to science in policy matters varies considerably across issues. While party, ideology, and religious beliefs clearly influence attitudes toward science, Republicans are not notably skeptical about accepting scientific recommendations. Rather, it seems that Democrats are particularly receptive to the advice and counsel of scientists, when compared to both independents and Republicans.

1985 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 101-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Pasewark ◽  
Hugh McGinley

The 50 states were surveyed to determine the operative insanity rule and frequency and success of the insanity plea. Reflecting the dearth of information regarding this important public policy concern, only a limited number of jurisdictions could provide statistics on the plea's frequency and success. Among these, incidence of the plea was generally low, while its success rate was quite variable.


1987 ◽  
Vol 81 (7) ◽  
pp. 305-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.E. Crews ◽  
W.D. Frey ◽  
P.E. Peterson

The first national survey of state blind rehabilitation units provides baseline data regarding independent living services for older and multiply disabled blind persons. The paper examines history and existing services, and defines policy and planning concerns. Ninety-one percent of 53 states and territories responded to the survey, and the article reveals directions for public policy.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Alpízar ◽  
Róger Madrigal ◽  
Irene Alvarado ◽  
Esteban Brenes Vega ◽  
Ashley Camhi ◽  
...  

The Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region enjoys an exuberant natural wealth; with 16 percent of the planets land, the region is home to 40 percent of the worlds biological diversity. This report investigates and provides a good overview of the regions efforts to mainstream natural capital and biodiversity concerns into public policy. It also provides a series of policy tools and instruments:payments for ecosystems services, innovation in managing protected areas, conservation trust funds, nature-based solutions for infrastructure, small-scale sustainable fisheries management, natural capital and ecosystem accounting, and ecosystem-based adaptation in agriculture. Two key lessons emerge from this report. First, mainstreaming natural capital and biodiversity considerations into day-to-day activities inevitably requires the involvement of multiple stakeholders (from communities to private firms) that should become central players in constructing and governing LACs natural wealth. Still, all the tools described in this report share a common feature: strong endorsement and support from government institutions, well beyond environmental authorities. Second, the lessons derived from policy tools with a longer history are evidence of the constant political, financial, and technical challenges faced by these policies for long-term sustainability. Although some of the policy tools described in this report have a long history, none of them can take their survival for granted. Solving the financial and technical challenges is typically the only functioning strategy to deal with political issues. The report suggests a series of key enabling conditions that facilitate mainstreaming natural capital and biodiversity considerations into public policy.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Lecce

According to one recently influential version of liberalism, law and public policy in a democracy should be justified independently of the controversial ethical or religious beliefs that divide citizens, because political membership is coercive, involuntary and profoundly influential to our overall well-being. For children, however, the parent—child relationship shares these three salient features of the political domain: it is also necessarily coercive, involuntary and profoundly influential. In this article, I examine the case for extending the ideal of public reason to parental conduct in connection with religious upbringing. After distinguishing several senses in which the personal is political, and several modes of applying political principles to personal conduct, I reject the proposed extension, and conclude that liberalism is ultimately compatible with `fundamentalist' upbringings.


1999 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 146-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
M R Rutgers ◽  
M A Mentzel

2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Boston ◽  
Paul Callister

The issues surrounding the nature and impact of diversity – and especially ethnic and social diversity – have attracted growing interest in many countries during the past decade. For the purposes of this discussion the term ‘social diversity’ is used to embrace diversity in values, religious beliefs, life circumstances, lifestyles and other aspects of the human condition. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 272
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zuhdan

The purpose of this paper is to track issues championed by the labor movement aft er the reform. The fi rstthesis of this paper behold issue championed labor movement is not merely a matt er of wage increases. Thispaper focus on championed issue by the labor movement in the post-reformation Indonesia. The reasons forselecting this theme is to expand the public’s view on the issue of labor which has always been synonymouswith wage when the labor movement has long roots and a tradition of thought that labor issues are always dialectical and dynamic with the changing socio-political structure. The results of this study indicate that the issue of the labor movement in the post-reformation Indonesia no longer dwell on the issue of wageincrease alone but develops progressively in the direction of political issues that is identical to the New Left movement, ranging from labor issues Go Politics, anti-neoliberalism, gender, human rights, democracy,citizenship, public policy, etc.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL HANKINSON

How does spatial scale affect support for public policy? Does supporting housing citywide but “Not In My Back Yard” (NIMBY) help explain why housing has become increasingly difficult to build in once-affordable cities? I use two original surveys to measure how support for new housing varies between the city scale and neighborhood scale. Together, an exit poll of 1,660 voters during the 2015 San Francisco election and a national survey of over 3,000 respondents provide the first experimental measurements of NIMBYism. While homeowners are sensitive to housing’s proximity, renters typically do not express NIMBYism. However, in high-rent cities, renters demonstrate NIMBYism on par with homeowners, despite continuing to support large increases in the housing supply citywide. These scale-dependent preferences not only help explain the deepening affordability crisis, but show how institutions can undersupply even widely supported public goods. When preferences are scale dependent, the scale of decision-making matters.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document