FPGA Implementation of Eye Movement Detection Algorithm

In this paper, we propose an simple and efficient VLSI hardware architecture is implemented for eye movement detection. For Eye movement detection reading activity Electrooculography (EOG) signal is considered. Here, for denoising the noisy EOG signal efficient FIR filter and for decomposition of denoised EOG signal an efficient Haar wavelet transform architecture is used respectively. The modified VLSI hardware architecture method detected the saccade (left movement of eye and right movement of eye) and blink efficiently. The hardware architecture of the eye movement detection algorithm functionality is verified by using Xilinx System Generator hardware co-simulation tool. The eye movement detection algorithm is implemented on the ZedBoard FPGA using Xilinx Vivado design suite.

Civil Society and Latent Mobilisation Under Authoritarian Neoliberal Governance

This chapter reflects on the impact of Turkey’s authoritarian neoliberal governance on the transformation of civil society with a particular focus on latent counter-mobilisation. The first section focuses on how Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) has transformed civic space through a selective approach that switches between repression and facilitation. The AKP represses autonomous and dissident organisations and activists through judicial harassment and new regulations while facilitating the growth of a government-oriented civil society sector (GONGOs). The GONGOs fulfil two aims: softening the immediate effects of the state’s withdrawal from social provision and generating bottom-up consent for authoritarian neoliberal governance. The second section analyses resistance against the AKP’s authoritarian neoliberalism by focusing on the case of a unique social movement, Müslüman Sol hareket (Muslim Left movement), which fuses class politics with Islamic social justice. Based on insights from original fieldwork and interviews with activists conducted in 2018–2019 in Turkey, the discussion demonstrates that the syncretic amalgamation of socialism with Islamic justice has emerged at the unexpected intersections of ideologies and everyday experiences and challenges simultaneously the AKP’s neoliberal exploitation, instrumentalisation and politicisation of religion, and authoritarian governance.

Social-reformist Experiments in Latin America during the Cold War

The article is devoted to the consideration and analysis of the practical policy of Latin American national reformism and social reformism during the Cold War. The author shows that the political and ideological gamut of the non-communist left movement in Latin America in the bipolar period was very wide. Specifically in this scientific article, the author refers to examples of the exercise of power by different directions of the socialist movement in the Dominican Republic, Costa Rica, Panama, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Peru, Chile. The author shows the existing connections between Latin American national reformism and the Socialist International and at that time comes to the conclusion that the ideology and practice of Latin American social democracy during the Cold War had a special, specific character. The common features characteristics of both the ideological project and the practical policy of the social reformist forces in the period under review were a commitment to political transformations, the expansion of social and political rights of citizens, the strengthening of the state and public sector in the economy, the priority of social policy, an anti-oligarchic strategy, a focus on a fair agrarian reform, anti-imperialism and the desire to defend national independence in foreign policy. In some cases (Nicaragua, Panama, Chile), the nature of social-economic transformations went beyond the framework of classical social reformism and had a revolutionary democratic content. The results of the center-left experiments in Latin American countries during the Cold War have varied, but by the 1990s most of them had failed. This is largely due to the fact that in the specific historical conditions of Latin American countries, national reformism in power led to the development of authoritarian and personalist tendencies, an increase in corruption and bureaucracy, attempts to merge the party and state apparatus.

Ideology and Subversion: A Comparative Study of Mrinal Sen’s Padatik and Raghav Bandopadhyay’s Communis

Padatik, the final part of Mrinal Sen’s movies of the Calcutta Trilogy, offers both a historical document on the political mindset of the burgeoning Bengali youth and a personal struggle of Sen himself making sense of the Marxist revolutionary ideology and ascertaining whether or not it is a misguided enterprise. Raghav Bandyopadhyay in his conversation with Dipesh Chakrabarty recollects how during his prison days he had sent a letter to the regional comrades. He had enlisted the reasons why their project had failed, also stating, how it would be best to abort the mission and retreat to "safer shelters" to study and reconsider the struggle. His years as a political activist and a political prisoner were penned down as Communis (1975). This paper is a comparative study of the picture of the 1970s Calcutta that Sen and Bandyopadhyay present in Padatik and Communis respectively, with special attention to the youth upsurge and the violent mission that the contemporary youth had dedicated themselves to. Bandyopadhyay, through his words, paints an equally realistic portrait of the "infernal city" that Sen films in his Trilogy. While Bandyopadhyay has largely been an unsung hero in the canonical growth of Indian Literature, Sen has been a world phenomenon with his brand of parallel cinema. However, both of them offer criticism to the left movement, when it was lying low and was in disarray. The paper would thus assess both their differences and their similarities in their reception and representation of the movement, its ideology, and its subversion.

French Prisoners of War in South of Soviet Russia in Spring and Summer of 1919

The article examines the plot about the stay of French servicemen in captivity in the south of Russia at the end of the intervention of the Entente countries (spring-summer 1919). The relevance of the study is due to the need to revise the point of view established in Russian historiography about the voluntary and massive transition of the French military to the side of the Bolsheviks. The author dwells on the circumstances of captivity and the period of detention of foreigners. Particular attention is paid to the attempt by the Bolsheviks to spread the ideas of the left movement and attract prisoners to the ranks of the Red Army. This activity was carried out through the creation of communist groups at the Foreign Collegium in Odessa. Using the example of the work of the French Communist Group employees, it was possible to identify agitation and propaganda methods of persuading the compatriots to the side of the Bolsheviks. The novelty of the study is seen in the fact that for the reconstruction of the methods of campaigning, the author involved materials from the archives of the French Ministry of Defense, which make it possible to determine the circle of agitators and concretize methods of recruiting foreigners. The author proved that there was no mass transition to the side of the Bolsheviks, the agitators managed to persuade only a few prisoners of the French and most of the servicemen remained faithful to this oath.

From the German Revolution to the New Left: Revolution and Dissent in Arendt and Marcuse

This article argues that the German Revolution of 1918–19 was a formative event in the politicization of Hannah Arendt and Herbert Marcuse, significantly influencing their understanding of revolutionary action and their reflections on the 1960s New Left movement. The German Revolution draws these often polarized thinkers closer together as both characterize the unfulfilled political possibility of the revolution in substantially similar ways. In the work of Arendt, the staunch critic of Marx, this highlights a critical engagement with the socialist tradition; while for Marcuse, the self-proclaimed “orthodox” Marxist, the revolution reveals the importance of a revised idea of revolutionary action. By tracing the influence of the German Revolution on the work of these two theorists, this paper aims to recover the importance of this historical moment in their later political thought, particularly in their readings of the renewed political possibilities of the 1960s.

ЦЕННОСТИ И СМЫСЛЫ НЕНАСИЛИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ПРОТЕСТЕ

The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.

The Left in Peru: A Long Way to the Top

The article examines the historical evolution of the left movement in Peru. Due to specific conditions, Peruvian left could not manage to achieve stable political positions in the government for long time. The causes of this phenomena and new trends in the political processes in the Andean state stipulate the relevance of this study. In 2021, the candidate from the left party Pedro Castillo has won the presidential elections. The research proves that in the context of weakness of a political tradition and collapse of ideological solidarity, the implementation of the left-wing project will face extreme difficulties.

Own way or alliance? Paraguay and the eternal promise of a progressive cycle. The limitations of a shattered left (1989—2021)

Paraguay was the last of the South American countries to join the so-called “progressive cycle” in 2008. Except Chile and Peru — with overly ambiguous progressive cycles - it was also the first to get out of it as the outcome of the parliamentary coup in June 2012. Of the countries involved, Paraguay was the one with the shortest cycle, with only four years. However, the lessons of the arrival to the government and the following ouster were not taken into account in a proper way by the Paraguayan left forces that remain divided. There are many fringes and groups within the Paraguayan left movement, which clamps down on the chances to manage the unity as the chief condition for a possible return to power. In order to weight the nowadays possibilities of the left-wing forces, the author gives heed to the current situation in their groups and to the conclusions that should be made on the basis of their brief experience in ruling the State (2008—2012). As a matter of fact, they have two main choices before them: to keep trying electoral alliances with the Authentic Radical Liberal Party (PLRA) or to take their own way framing a long-term political project.