Unapologetic Apologetics: The Essence of Black Anglican Preaching

2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Harold T. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Higher Order ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Centennial Celebration ◽  
Classical Sense

In his 1892 sermon preached at the centennial celebration of St. Thomas Church, Philadelphia, the Rt. Rev. Henry Codman Potter, bishop of New York, declared, “I do not think it would have been very strange if the colored race, after it had been freed, should have refused to follow the white people's God. It shows a higher order of intelligence and an acute discernment in the African race to have distinguished the good from the evil, in a religion that taught all men were brothers, and practiced the opposite.” In this brief homiletical observation, Bishop Potter captured the perennial challenge of the Afro-Anglican preacher, who, despite experience to the contrary, must demonstrate that the catholic and incarnational truths of the gospel are no less demonstrable in the lives of people of color. This article maintains that this is accomplished both apologetically, in the classical sense of its being argued on the basis of biblical and theological truths, yet unapologetically, in the colloquial sense of being straightforward and without apology, as in the homiletic offerings of such preachers as Demond Tutu, Walter Dennis, and Kelly Brown Douglas.

"A Torture Machine": The Violent Story of Slavery and the Beginning of American Capitalism

2015 ◽  
Vol 67 (6) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
T. W. Walker
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Fast Food ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Child Care Workers ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
American Capitalism ◽  
Care Workers ◽  
May Day ◽  
History Of ◽  
Food Workers

<div class="bookreview">Edward E. Baptist, <em>The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism </em>(New York: Basic Books, 2014), 528 pages, $35, hardcover.</div>For an estimated hundreds of thousands of people, including some 60,000 workers who had served notice to their bosses, April 15, 2015, was strike day&mdash;reportedly the largest mobilization of low-wage workers since May Day of 1886, when a half million workers and their families (10 percent of the population at the time) struck for the eight-hour work day. Hundreds of us from here in Tennessee joined fast food workers, adjuncts, and home and child-care workers in the morning for strike actions, and many of us boarded buses to St. Louis and Ferguson, Missouri, for a Black Lives Matter protest that brought together strikers and supporters from all across the region. It was an intense and exact showcase of the irrevocable knot of violent and permanent racism in this country, and its broadening (and racialized) wealth and income gap and the deepening, permanent poverty of working-class life.&hellip; There is no legitimate history of this nation's past and present that can deny the twin realities of extreme economic exploitation of people of color, especially African Americans, and the incredible violence perpetrated against them. Edward Baptist's <em>The Half Has Never Been Told</em> draws these two realities together in his contribution to the new set of histories of U.S. capitalism, slavery, and cotton, which include Sven Beckert's <em>Empire of Cotton</em> and Walter Johnson's <em>River of Dark Dreams</em>.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-6" title="Vol. 67, No. 6: November 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>

Documentation on the Afro-American: Familiar and Less Familiar Sources

1969 ◽  
Vol 12 (03) ◽  
pp. 293-303
Author(s):  
Dorothy Porter
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Reading Room ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
Men Of Color ◽  
The People ◽  
Weekly Meeting ◽  
Literary Societies

On the evening of March 20, 1828, a group of free men of color organized a society that had as its purpose “the mental improvement of the people of color in the neighborhood of Philadelphia.” This organization was to be known as the “Reading Room Society.” Immediately a library was established and the librarian instructed to lend books to members for no longer than a week. Books were to be withdrawn or returned at the society's weekly meeting. Freedoms Journal, the earliest Negro newspaper, the first issue of which appeared in March, 1827, and Lundy's Genius of Universal Emancipation, an antislavery publication, were among the first works circulated. In May, 1833, the Philadelphia Library Company of Colored Persons appealed for “such books and other donations as will facilitate the object of this institution.” By 1838, this library had 600 volumes. Since Negroes could not enjoy the same privileges as whites in libraries, they established for themselves some 45 literary societies between 1828 and 1846 in several large cities, mainly in the East, most of which maintained reading rooms and circulating libraries. As a consequence of these activities many Negroes were stimulated to assemble private libraries. In 1838, in Philadelphia and nearby cities, there were 8333 volumes in private libraries. In New York City, David Ruggles, a Negro abolitionist, pamphleteer, and printer, was probably the first Negro book collector. He maintained a circulating library and made antislavery and colonization publications available to many readers. He charged a fee of less than twenty-five cents a month for renting books relating to the Negro and slavery.

scholarly journals Incarceration and COVID-19: Recommendations to Curb COVID-19 Disease Transmission in Prison Facilities and Surrounding Communities

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (18) ◽  
pp. 9790
Author(s):  
Lauren Jeanne Natoli ◽  
Kathy Linh Vu ◽  
Adam Carl Sukhija-Cohen ◽  
Whitney Engeran-Cordova ◽  
Gabriel Maldonado ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Racial Disparities ◽  
Personal Protective Equipment ◽  
Disease Transmission ◽  
General Public ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Protective Equipment ◽  
Risk Of Disease

Overcrowding can increase the risk of disease transmission, such as that of SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19), within United States prisons. The number of COVID-19 cases among prisoners is higher than that among the general public, and this disparity is further increased for prisoners of color. This report uses the example case of the COVID-19 pandemic to observe prison conditions and preventive efforts, address racial disparities for people of color, and guide structural improvements for sustaining inmate health during a pandemic in four select states: California, New York, Illinois, and Florida. To curb the further spread of COVID-19 among prisoners and their communities, safe public health practices must be implemented including providing personal protective equipment (PPE) and testing of staff and inmates, disseminating culturally and language appropriate information regarding the pandemic and preventive precautions, introducing social distancing measures, and ensuring adequate resources to safely reintegrate released prisoners into their communities.

People of Color and the Promise Betrayed

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard D. Brown
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Black Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Natural Rights ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Free Blacks ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
New Science ◽  
Dred Scott ◽  
The Supreme Court

In its 1857 Dred Scott decision the Supreme Court ruled that “negroes” were not, and never had been, citizens of the United States. Two justices dissented, declaring that when the Constitution was adopted free blacks possessed the rights of citizens, including suffrage, in seven states. The rights of free blacks, like other citizens, were thereby protected. But the Court majority, conflating slavery with race, denied citizenship to people of color. In fact, starting in 1776 a majority of states recognized the rights of people of color for at least a generation. Only after the free black population grew into the tens of thousands did states north and south act to curtail those rights. The new restrictions rested on old prejudices reinforced by the new “science” of race. Nature, it was claimed, warranted the denial of equal rights. So in new northern states—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan—as well as old ones like Pennsylvania, New York, and Connecticut, equality was written out of law. By 1858, when Lincoln debated Stephen Douglas for election to the Senate from Illinois, some public figures explicitly denied the self-evident natural rights of the Declaration. But Lincoln made the Declaration’s self-evident truths his cornerstone. Regardless of race or nationality, he argued, natural rights applied to all men.

scholarly journals Pandemic Injustice: Spatial and Social Distributions of the first wave of COVID-19 in the US Epicenter

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timon McPhearson ◽  
Zbigniew J. Grabowski ◽  
Pablo Herreros-Cantis ◽  
Ahmed Mustafa ◽  
Luis Ortiz ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Social Vulnerability ◽  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Race And Class ◽  
Differential Vulnerability ◽  
The Social ◽  
Vulnerability Indicators ◽  
The Us

<p>We examine the uneven social and spatial distributions of COVID-19 and their relationships with indicators of social vulnerability in the U.S. epicenter, New York City (NYC). As of July 17th, 2020, NYC, despite having only 2.5% of the US population, has ~6% of all confirmed cases, and ~16% of all deaths, making it a key learning ground for the social dynamics of the disease. Our analysis focuses on the multiple potential social, economic, and demographic drivers of disproportionate impacts in COVID-19 cases and deaths, as well as population rates of testing. Findings show that immediate impacts of COVID-19 largely fall along lines of race and class. Indicators of poverty, race, disability, language isolation, rent burden, unemployment, lack of health insurance, and housing crowding all significantly drive spatial patterns in prevalence of COVID-19 testing, confirmed cases, death rates, and severity. Income in particular has a consistent negative relationship with rates of death and disease severity. The largest differences in social vulnerability indicators are also driven by populations of people of color, poverty, housing crowding, and rates of disability. Results highlight the need for targeted responses to address injustice of COVID-19 cases and deaths, importance of recovery strategies that account for differential vulnerability, and provide an analytical approach for advancing research to examine potential similar injustice of COVID-19 in other U.S. cities.</p>

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