scholarly journals Electoral and Mechanical Causes of Divided Government in the European Union

2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1349-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Manow ◽  
Holger Döring

Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament (EP) apparently use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party—political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the EU Council. This study shows that opposed majorities between council and parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of more extreme and EU-skeptic parties in the Council, whereas voters in EP elections vote more often for these parties. The different locations of Council and Parliament are therefore caused by two effects: a mechanical effect—relevant for the composition of the Council—when national votes are translated into office and an electoral effect in European elections. The article discusses the implications of this finding for our understanding of the political system of the EU and of its democratic legitimacy.

Author(s):  
Andrii Martynov

The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-277
Author(s):  
Nicola Pensiero

This article proposes a decision model of the British support for leaving the European Union (EU) that includes both identity aspirations, attitudes towards the political system and economic interest and test it on the Understanding Society 6th, 7th and 8th surveys. Current studies tend to interpret the British Euroscepticism as a combination of attachment to British identity, lack of economic opportunities and dissatisfaction with the political class. Using this approach where factors are additive, it is not possible to account for the substantial portion of socio-economically advantaged individuals which prefer to leave the EU, and for those who, despite their low attachment to their British identity, the relatively high educational level and satisfaction with domestic democracy, prefer to leave the EU. I use a theoretical approach which considers both economic and cultural considerations as rational considerations and conceptualise their interaction in terms of trade off. I use classification tree analysis to evaluate the relative importance of the main explanatory factors and of their interaction. The results show that the negative evaluation of the political system makes certain groups, which otherwise tend to support European integration, lean towards Euroscepticism. It helps to explain the Euroscepticism of those who are less attached to their British identity and of advantaged classes. The results have also showed that anti-establishment attitudes are not associated with disadvantaged socio-economic groups. The dissatisfaction with domestic democracy is relevant mostly for the advantaged classes, and the lack of political efficacy affects equally the attitudes of advantaged and disadvantaged groups. Last, disadvantaged groups’ support for European integration is driven by identity aspirations not by economic interest.


2019 ◽  
pp. 11-13
Author(s):  
Tetiana SHELCHUK

In this article we analyze the causes and effects of the problem of democratic deficit in the European Union (EU). In this article the author determined the essence of problem «democracy deficit» and also it was explored in the activity and functioning of the EU institutions. Issues of pan-European identity were also investigated and the consequences of its absence were analyzed, which is a separate component of the problem under study. The author also analyzes some ways of solving the problem of «democracy deficit» in the EU. Also, the author investigated attitude to this problem that was described in different sources. We determined the attitude of the citizens of the EU to this union. The author made conclusion about that the EU has the problem of «democracy deficit», but we can’t say that the EU is undemocratic union. We also agree that the EU has made some good steps on the way of solving this important problem, but it isn’t enough. The author supports the idea of making some information company for informing the citizens about activities and functioning of the EU. We think that the EU should make a decision about a single electoral system. The author supports the conception of deliberative democracy that means attraction citizens of the EU to the process of discussion and making the decisions. And the author says that the issue of democracy deficit has two main aspects: at first, the problems of the functioning of the political system of the European Union; secondly, the lack of pan-European identity, the problem of bringing the EU closer to citizens and their disinterest in Union policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Janusz Ruszkowski

The political system of the European Union is unique and difficult to define. This presents significant problems to researchers attempting to clarify this phenomenon by means of conventional research methods. Thus, it seems necessary to start the search with other tools that will allow the exploration of the nature of this phenomenon. Such an unconventional instrument is the fuzzy set method which has been used in logics, geometry and mathematics and which accumulates both a qualitative and a quantitative approach. When applied in the studies on the multi-level political system of the EU, it reveals phenomena that could not be seen when using conventional methods. One of the most important effects of this method exists in the fuzzy levels of the EU political system situated among the traditional (crisp) levels (regional, national and supranational).


Südosteuropa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-433
Author(s):  
Luminita Gatejel ◽  
Adrian Grama

Abstract Between January and June 2019 Romania managed the rotating presidency of the European Union, the first of a trio to be followed by Finland and Croatia. This commentary takes stock of Romania’s trajectory over the last few years and offers a broad overview of the country’s economy and politics. Where does Romania stand today, more than a decade since it joined the European Union? In the first part, the authors sketch the recent evolution of Romania’s economy which has been marked by high growth but overall modest increases in wages, and tight labour markets. In the second part they turn to politics, in particular to the realignment of the political spectrum following the European elections of May 2019. They conclude by pointing out some of the problems that are likely to confront both Bucharest and Brussels in the near future.


2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Zimmermann ◽  
Adrian Favell

The call for a more sociological approach to the study of the European Union, reflected in a number of recent survey works by sociologists and political scientists, offers exciting new prospects for rethinking the empirical terrain of ‘Europeanized’ politics beyond the nation state – whether in terms of governance, policy-making, parliamentary and legal politics, mobilization, or political communication. Via a survey of three kinds of leading sociological work on the EU, broadly split between three camps working with the distinctive legacies of ‘Habermasian’, ‘Bourdieusian’ and ‘Foucauldian’ thinking, this article details the strengths and weaknesses of these paradigms. Focusing on a number of exemplary studies on the question of democratic legitimacy in the EU using each of these approaches, it offers a preliminary attempt to map their agendas, contributions, and blind spots, moving towards a synthesis that might identify commonalities and streamline a more coherent agenda for the political sociology of the European Union. The most promising line would appear to be one that moves away from purely theoretical/conceptual debates towards specific operationalizations able to combine elements of the various sociological approaches.


IG ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 280-296
Author(s):  
Yvonne Nasshoven

This contribution examines the process of appointing the President of the European Commission in the aftermath of the European elections 2019. It analyses the interests of the players involved and mirrors these against the backdrop of patterns of earlier nominations. In addition, the article reflects on consequences for the political system of the European Union as a whole, especially with regard to the role of European political parties. The contribution finally develops possible scenarios for future appointments: In general, these could take cooperative or competing formats. In case of furthering supranational elements transnational lists could be used in combination with the “Spitzenkandidaten process”. This would still require a “saut qualitatif” by the European party families.


2019 ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Czachór

If the relationship between the EU Council and the European Council in the context of the horizontal division of power is based on a system of checks and balances, the emphasis must be on balance rather than on the separation of authorities/entities exercising power. For this reason, the powers and authority of the states and of the European Union are to some extent mixed up in this relational formula, and they overlap. At the same time, each entity has decision-making powers creating a mechanism of political influence. The powers of the EU Council and the European Council are separated in terms of institutions (structures and personnel) but not of functions, because their powers are interrelated. The competition for power here results in its being shared, which is based on the ‘joint exercising’ of power and thus the joint performance of certain systemic functions, tasks and roles. The powers of one authority should not be performed directly or completely by any of the remaining authorities, and none of the authorities should gain a definite advantage over the others. This should be the message for both the presidency of the EU Council and for the President of the European Council.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5(166) ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Czachór ◽  
Janusz Ruszkowski

The authors attempt to examine two parallel and often treated as incomplete processes of strengthening the competences of the European Parliament and at the same time defining a place of national parliaments of Member States in the political system of the EU. The parallelism of these phenomena may seem paradoxical, since it can be assumed that despite competency competition between the EP and the national parliaments, strengthening the competences of the former does not preclude maximising the competences of the latter. The system of unification and harmonisation present in the European Union does not have to weaken national parliaments. The more so that the parliaments of the Member States try to neutralise the autonomy of EU institutions, which “appropriate” their current field of play. The analysis was made based on a research sample consisting of methods for strengthening the EP and methods for maximising the parliaments of the Member States.


2018 ◽  
pp. 10-38
Author(s):  
Anna Wierzchowska

The article deals with the issue of EU political system seen as a set of institutional and legal mechanisms and solutions looking for a way to lead and maintain its internal balance. This problem is included in line with the assumptions of the resilience concept, which is a fundamental theoretical assumption at work. Resilience, or flexibility, the ability to adapt and “bounce off the bottom”, to recuperate, is referred to the EU as a prospect of a research perspective indicating the paths of thinking about the regularity of the development of the EU system in the long term. Recourse to such a framework is implied in the EU by the nature of the integration structure and the political system whose creation was initiated in 1957 with the establishment of the EEC. Analysis carried out in the article leads to conclusion that the EU political system is characterised by resilience- -specific properties, which makes it flexible in responding to emerging difficulties and tensions. At the same time, the solutions and mechanisms implemented on this basis lead to the deepening of differences. Achieving a system balance becomes difficult.


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