Dynamic Competitive Position between the Foreign Joint Venture and NICs’ Indigenous Firms

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-146
Author(s):  
Yung Chul Kwon ◽  
John K. Ryans

Three years ago, South Korea exported hardly any cars. In 1987, it will probably send more than 450,000 cars abroad; most will go to the United States. It is a prospect that thrills the South Koreans, worries protectionist Americans, and frightens the Japanese carmakers, whose dominance of the small-car market the South Koreans are challenging. ("South Korea's Carmakers Count Their Blessings," The Economist, 3 January 1987, p. 45)

2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shida Rastegari Henneberry ◽  
Seong-huyk Hwang

The first difference version of the restricted source-differentiated almost ideal demand system is used to estimate South Korean meat demand. The results of this study indicate that the United States has the most to gain from an increase in the size of the South Korean imported meat market in terms of its beef exports, while South Korea has the most to gain from this expansion in the pork market. Moreover, the results indicate that the United States has a competitive advantage to Australia in the South Korean beef market. Results of this study have implications for U.S. meat exports in this ever-changing policy environment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Wan-Soo Lee ◽  
Min-Kyu Lee ◽  
Seok Kang ◽  
Jae-Woong Yoo

This study explored a comparative analysis of how the South Korean and United States media framed the Samsung–Apple patent lawsuit. The South Korean and U.S. media have a tendency to report Samsung–Apple patent disputes in a completely different angle. While framing in favor of Samsung was frequent in South Korea, neutral frames were dominant in the United States. The South Korean newspapers showed a stronger nationalism in favor of Samsung, whereas the U.S. newspapers portrayed the business conflict in the market logic. The South Korean and U.S. newspapers also showed differences in framing according to the ideological characteristics of the newspaper. In South Korea, the main conservative newspaper ( Chosun Ilbo) framed the issue in favor of Samsung and the largest liberal newspaper ( Hankyoreh) revealed a tendency to frame it in favor of Apple. However, in the United States, only the main business newspaper ( Wall Street Journal) favored Apple. This study contributes to news framing research in that socio-cultural divergences, framing pool (e.g., generic frames vs. issue-specific frames), and journalistic contexts considered systematically.


2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Soonhee Kim

This paper anlyzes the family-friendly policies and benefits currently offered by public organizations in South Korea and the United States. This study found that leaves of absence are the first types of family-friendly policy that reflect an acknowledgement on the part of government agencies in South Korea and the United States aht both men and women must face work/family conflicts in their lives. The South Korean government provides more generous leave policies than those of the American public sector. Hoewver, several family-friendly benefits provided by federal agencies in the United States, including flexible workplace and telecommuting programs, job sharing, and dependent care counseling and referral services were rarely offered by the South Korean government. Finally, the paper discussed policy implications and emphasizes managerial leadership affecting the implementation process behind these policies in public agencies.


Author(s):  
Marta V. Bocharnikova ◽  

The article presents a study of the South Korea-United States Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) and is divided into two parts. In the first part, the author briefly addresses the background of the agreement and explores in detail the current state of the KORUS FTA after its modification in 2018. The author examines key modifications made in the agreement and their influence on the Republic of Korea (ROK), the United States, and the ROK-US alliance. The first part also analyzes why President Trump, instead of delaying the KORUS issue, pushed its revision in 2017, when the situation on the Korean Peninsula was quite explosive, and the motives of the Trump administration in resuming Section 232 investigation, particularly into imports of semiconductors. In the second part, the author addresses future prospects of the agreement in general and briefly analyzes its impact on the ROK-US alliance. The author does not attempt to evaluate the quality of the alliance by measuring the state of the KORUS FTA. Nevertheless, while the trade agreement does not reflect all the strengths or weaknesses of the alliance, it is one of the criteria of the alliance development. Statistical data is employed throughout the article to illustrate the trade imbalance between South Korea and the US, import and export volume, and opinion survey results. In conclusion, the author sums up the results obtained and highlights the importance of the KORUS FTA for the ROK-US alliance. The relevance of the article lies in the fact that the work is based primarily on foreign sources and literature, which allows expanding the knowledge base of domestic Korean studies. This article is also a part of a more comprehensive study in this area and can serve as a supplementary modern literature for Russian researchers who major in Korean studies and deal with issues related to the South Korea-US relations. The methodological basis of the study consists of the principle of historicism and approaches such as structural-functional and systematic. The article employs general scientific, general historical and political science research methods. Among the general scientific methods, the author used methods of analysis and synthesis; time comparison method and complex method. Among the general historical methods, the historical-comparative method and the historical-genetic method are applied for demonstrating the causal relationship between political events, and the historical-systematic method for singling out a certain period in the historical process in which the problem is investigated. Finally, among the political science methods, content analysis and event analysis are employed for a better assessment of political events.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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