British and US Anticommunism Between the World Wars

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Olmsted
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Union Activists ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Cold War

This article examines the espionage and propaganda networks established by former professional spies and other anticommunist activists in the interwar period in the United States of America and the United Kingdom. In both countries, conservatives responded to the growing power of labor in politics by creating and funding private groups to coordinate spying operations on union activists and political radicals. These British and US spies drew upon the resources of the government while evading democratic controls. The anti-labor groups also spread anti-radical propaganda, but the counter-subversive texts in the UK tended to highlight the economic threats posed by radicalism, while those in the USA appealed to more visceral fears. The leaders of these anti-labur networks established a transnational alliance with their fellow anticommunists across the Atlantic decades before the beginning of the Cold War.

scholarly journals Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-133
Author(s):  
Jennifer Luff
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Cold War ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Uk

Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, and also of anticommunism, in both the USA and the UK, but their respective labor movements developed distinctively different political approaches to domestic and international communism. Comparing labor anticommunist politics in the interwar years helps explain sharp divergences in the politics of anticommunism in the USA and the UK during the Cold War.

scholarly journals Current Nuclear Strategies and Arsenals of the United States of America and the Russian Federation

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Adam Potočňák
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Nuclear Forces ◽  
Nuclear Strategy ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

The article holistically analyses current strategies for the use and development of nuclear forces of the USA and Russia and analytically reflects their mutual doctrinal interactions. It deals with the conditions under which the U.S. and Russia may opt for using their nuclear weapons and reflects also related issues of modernization and development of their actual nuclear forces. The author argues that both superpowers did not manage to abandon the Cold War logic or avoid erroneous, distorted or exaggerated assumptions about the intentions of the other side. The text concludes with a summary of possible changes and adaptations of the American nuclear strategy under the Biden administration as part of the assumed strategy update expected for 2022.

scholarly journals Self-Mention in Science Communication Associated with COVID-19 Research: A Comparison of Computer-Mediated Communicative Practices in the United Kingdom and the United States of America

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-153
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Kapranov
Keyword(s):  
United States Of America ◽  
Science Communication ◽  
The United States ◽  
Communicative Practices ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Johns Hopkins University ◽  
Computer Mediated ◽  
The Usa ◽  
University College London ◽  
The Uk

Abstract The article introduces and discusses a corpus-assisted study that sets out to identify and analyse how self-mention is employed in science communication associated with COVID-19 research disseminated to the general public by leading universities in the United Kingdom (the UK) and the United States of America (the USA). The corpus of the study is comprised of computer-mediated communication related to the COVID-19 pandemic on the official websites of Johns Hopkins University (the USA) and University College London (the UK). The corpus was examined quantitatively for the presence of self-mentions, such as I, my, me, mine, myself, and we, our, ours, ourselves, and us. The results of the quantitative analysis indicated that computer-mediated communicative practices associated with COVID-19 discourse and communication by these scientific institutions exhibit similarities in terms of the use of self-mentions. However, in contrast to COVID-19-related discourse communicated by Johns Hopkins University, the self-mention I and its forms were used more liberally in COVID-19-related discourse and communication disseminated by University College London. These findings are further discussed in the article from the vantage point of the current Anglo-Saxon tradition of academic writing in English.

Local Alignments and Global Politics: Military Bureaucratic Axis, Subaltern Protests and Political Reversals in PostColonial Pakistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Subho Basu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Alignment

In the Cold War environment of the 1950s, Pakistan army sought an alliance with the United States and the United Kingdom while they searched for allies in the Middle East and South Asia. At the same time, the military-bureaucratic establishment of Pakistan denied a democratic constitutional regime in the country and slowly transformed East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, into an internal colony. In East Pakistan, the pro-democracy movement was headed by Awami League (AL), a board coalition of constitutional autonomist and radical socialists and communist. Within the AL, Maulana Bhashani, a radical cleric, and his left wigs followers read into the global politics of Cold War alignment between the Pakistan and the USA to be a critical hindrance toward the democratization of politely, but constitutional autonomists within AL remained committed toward the Cold War military alliance. This lead to a split in the AL Consequently, In the wake of Suez War, global politics impinged upon local political alignment as much as local political alignment informed and influenced global politics in Pakistan.

scholarly journals La intervención prodemocracia

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Luis Juan Conesa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Law ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
United Nations Charter ◽  
Sobre Todo

Juan Guaidó, con el apoyo de Estados Unidos, se autoproclamó como presidente de Venezuela. Guaidó no ha descartado invitar a Estados Unidos para que expulse a Maduro del poder y traiga la democracia a Venezuela. Como se defiende en el artículo, la intervención prodemocracia no tiene espacio en el Derecho Internacional. Para llegar a esta conclusión se analiza la práctica de los Estados posterior a la Carta de Naciones Unidas, sobre todo la manifestada tras el final de la guerra fría. Esta práctica refleja que se han dado múltiples intervenciones apelando a la democracia, pero siempre como causa complementaria a otras figuras de mayor peso como la autorización del Consejo de Seguridad o la intervención por invitación. Se analizará, además, si estas opciones serían aplicables al caso venezolano y los problemas que añadiría a la práctica el reconocimiento de un derecho de intervención unilateral (defendido por algunas voces minoritarias).  Juan Guaidó, along with the support of the United States of America, proclaimed himself as the new president of Venezuela.  To this day, Guaidó has not discarded the possibility of keeping his coalition with the USA in order to expel Maduro and bring democracy back to the country. As discussed in this article, the intervention in the name of the democracy does not have room within the International Law. In order to achieve this conclusion, the Estates’ behaviour after the United Nations Charter has been analysed, with a special focus on the events after the end of the cold war. This approach reveals that multiple acts in name of the democracy have always had a more powerful underlying reason, as for example the authorisation of the Security Council or the search for the proposed intervention. In addition, it will be analysed if these practices are applicable to the case under examination and also the following problems that justifying a unilateral intervention can cause (defended by some minority voices).

Cold War consumption and the marketing of childhood in the Soviet Union and the United States, 1950-1960

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Peacock
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Usa ◽  
History Of ◽  
Global Discourse ◽  
The Cold War

Purpose – This paper aims to explore the relationship between childhood, consumption and the Cold War in 1950s America and the Soviet Union. The author argues that Soviet and American leaders, businessmen, and politicians worked hard to convince parents that buying things for their children offered the easiest way to raise good American and Soviet kids and to do their part in waging the economic battles of the Cold War. The author explores how consumption became a Cold War battleground in the late 1950s and suggests that the history of childhood and Cold War consumption alters the way we understand the conflict itself. Design/Methodology/Approach – Archival research in the USA and the Russian Federation along with close readings of Soviet and American advertisements offer sources for understanding the global discourse of consumption in the 1950s and 1960s. Findings – Leaders, advertisers, and propagandists in the Soviet Union and the USA used the same images in the same ways to sell the ethos of consumption to their populations. They did this to sell the Cold War, to bolster the status quo, and to make profits. Originality/Value – This paper offers a previously unexplored, transnational perspective on the role that consumption and the image of the child played in shaping the Cold War both domestically and abroad.

scholarly journals Politicizing Religion

2021 ◽  
pp. 73-99
Author(s):  
Uta A. Balbier
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Discourses ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter defines Graham’s crusades in the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom in the 1950s as powerful cultural orchestrations of Cold War culture. It explores the reasons of leading political figures to support Graham, the media discourses that constructed Graham’s image as a cold warrior, and the religious and political worldviews of the religious organizers of the crusades in London, Washington, New York, and Berlin. In doing so, the chapter shows how hopes for genuine re-Christianization, in response to looming secularization, anticommunist fears, and post–World War II national anxieties, as well as spiritual legitimizations for the Cold War conflict, blended in Graham’s campaign work. These anxieties, hopes, and worldviews crisscrossed the Atlantic, allowing Graham and his campaign teams to make a significant contribution to creating an imagined transnational “spiritual Free World.”

Antitrust Regulation of IT Giants` Activities: Main Trends of Foreign and Russian Legislation

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.V. Shram ◽  
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Network Effects ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Economic Concentration ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Antitrust Regulation

The article is devoted to the antimonopoly regulation of IT giants` activities. The author presents an overview of the main trends in foreign and Russian legislation in this area. The problems the antimonopoly regulation of digital markets faces are the following: the complexity of determining the criteria for the dominant position of economic entities in the digital economy and the criteria for assessing the economic concentration in the commodity digital markets; the identification and suppression of cartels; the relationship between competition law and intellectual property rights in the digital age. Some aspects of these problems are considered through the prism of the main trends in the antimonopoly policy in the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom and Russia. The investigation findings of the USA House of Representatives Antitrust Subcommittee against Apple, Google, Amazon and Facebook are presented. The author justifies the need to separate them, which requires the adoption of appropriate amendments to the antimonopoly legislation. The article analyzes the draft law of the European Commission on the regulation of digital markets – Digital Markets Act, reveals the criteria for classifying IT companies as «gatekeepers», and notes the specific approaches to antimonopoly regulation in the UK and the US. The article describes the concepts «digital platform» and «network effects», presented in the «fifth antimonopoly package of amendments», developed in 2018 by the Federal Antimonopoly Service of the Russian Federation, and gives an overview of the comments of the Ministry of Economic Development regarding these concepts wording in the text of the draft law, which formed the basis for the negative conclusion of the regulator. It is concluded that in the context of the digital markets’ globalization, there is a need for the international legal nature antitrust norms formation, since regional legislation obviously cannot cope with the monopolistic activities of IT giants.

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