Seditious Crimes and Rebellious Conspiracies: Anti-communism and US Empire in the Philippines

2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colleen Woods
Keyword(s):  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Mass Imprisonment ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
The Us ◽  
Western Imperialism ◽  
Imperial Ideology ◽  
Us Empire

This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines.

Disentangling US Feminism from US Imperialism

2018 ◽  
pp. 185-213
Author(s):  
Ann Russo
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
War On Terrorism ◽  
Empire Building ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Empire

Recognizing how enmeshed mainstream feminist discourses are in US empire building, this essay offers ways of disentangling US ideas about solidarity from efforts of imperial conquest through a lens of accountability. The essay takes as a case in point the ways that feminist efforts have fed into the “war on terrorism” as it has played out in the US occupation and war in Afghanistan post-9/11 as well as in the context of Islamophobic and anti-Arab social policy and violence in the US. An accountability lens shifts to a solidarity grounded in mutuality and interconnectedness.

Bilateralism, Multilateralism, and the Making of an Alliance Consensus

2019 ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Andrew Yeo
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Us ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Over Time

Chapter 2 recounts the origins of bilateralism in Asia and the legitimization of the US-led hub-and-spokes system among Asian elites during the Cold War. It also outlines the rise of ASEAN in the 1960s. Exploring postwar US alliances forged with the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and Thailand, I demonstrate how material threats, institutions, and ideas interact to produce an alliance consensus among political elites in Asia. Despite periodic domestic opposition to US alliances, and the weakness of ASEAN, the hub-and-spokes system and ASEAN become entrenched over time.

scholarly journals Duterte's Resurgent Nationalism in the Philippines: A Discursive Institutionalist Analysis

2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julio C. Teehankee
Keyword(s):  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Policy Position ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Time

Early in his administration, Rodrigo Duterte, the controversial sixteenth president of the Philippines, did what no other Filipino president has done before – announce a separation from the geopolitical interests of its former colonial master, the United States of America. Beyond the personal slights caused by the US criticism of his anti-drug campaign lies a deeper sense of historical grievance that has been ingrained in Duterte's generation and his identity as a Mindanaoan. Not only does he represent Mindanao's resentment towards “imperial Manila,” but also a historical blowback against “US imperialism.” Duterte's nationalist exhortations can be traced to the cycle of regime narratives in the Philippines, which serves as a medium for institutional continuity and change through the mobilisation of ideas at a discursive level. By reviving the anti-US nationalism of his youth, Duterte is repudiating the liberal reformist, albeit elitist, narrative of the Aquino-to-Aquino regimes. Duterte's so-called “pivot to China” is also a dramatic reversal of his predecessors’ strong anti-China and rabidly pro-American foreign policy position. This paper blends Vivien A. Schmidt's discursive institutional analytical framework with Stephen Skowronek's concept of presidential leadership in political time to analyse how crafted narratives are transformed into governance scripts that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional setting.

The Price of Imperial Thinking

2019 ◽  
pp. 114-132
Author(s):  
Justin Hart
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
Close Analysis ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Empire

This chapter examines J. W. Fulbright’s reputation as a critic of the US empire through a close analysis of his major publications on US foreign policy. It argues that he attempted to reform the tactics of American empire rather than undermine the larger strategy of US dominance. Ultimately, it concludes that his ability to diagnose the causes of US imperialism were limited by his own devotion to the ideology of liberal internationalism that undergirded US foreign policy for most of the twentieth century.

Changes in Perceptions of Filipino Immigrants about Themselves and of Americans Before and After Coming to the United States

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gremil Alessandro Naz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Symbolic Interaction ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Appraisal Theory ◽  
American Values ◽  
The Us ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Symbolic Interaction Theory ◽  
Filipino Immigrants

<p>This paper examines the changes in Filipino immigrants’ perceptions about themselves and of Americans before and after coming to the United States. Filipinos have a general perception of themselves as an ethnic group. They also have perceptions about Americans whose media products regularly reach the Philippines. Eleven Filipinos who have permanently migrated to the US were interviewed about their perceptions of Filipinos and Americans. Before coming to the US, they saw themselves as hardworking, family-oriented, poor, shy, corrupt, proud, adaptable, fatalistic, humble, adventurous, persevering, gossipmonger, and happy. They described Americans as rich, arrogant, educated, workaholic, proud, powerful, spoiled, helpful, boastful, materialistic, individualistic, talented, domineering, friendly, accommodating, helpful, clean, and kind. Most of the respondents changed their perceptions of Filipinos and of Americans after coming to the US. They now view Filipinos as having acquired American values or “Americanized.” On the other hand, they stopped perceiving Americans as a homogenous group possessing the same values after they got into direct contact with them. The findings validate social perception and appraisal theory, and symbolic interaction theory.</p>

US INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY AND EURASIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batyuk
Keyword(s):  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Middle Kingdom ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
American President ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Indian Ocean

Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.

scholarly journals Prevalence and source analysis of COVID-19 misinformation of 138 countries

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Md. Sayeed Al-Zaman
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Positive Association ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Source Analysis ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Content Analysis Method ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Internet Literacy

This study analyzed 9,657 pieces of misinformation that originated in 138 countries and fact-checked by 94 organizations. Collected from Poynter Institute's official website and following a quantitative content analysis method along with descriptive statistical analysis, this research produces some novel insights regarding COVID-19 misinformation. The findings show that India (15.94%), the US (9.74%), Brazil (8.57%), and Spain (8.03%) are the four most misinformation-affected countries. Based on the results, it is presumed that the prevalence of COVID-19 misinformation can have a positive association with the COVID-19 situation. Social media (84.94%) produces the highest amount of misinformation, and the internet (90.5%) as a whole is responsible for most of the COVID-19 misinformation. Moreover, Facebook alone produces 66.87% misinformation among all social media platforms. Of all countries, India (18.07%) produced the highest amount of social media misinformation, perhaps thanks to the country's higher internet penetration rate, increasing social media consumption, and users' lack of internet literacy. On the other hand, countries like Turkey, the US, Brazil, and the Philippines where either political control over media is intense or political conservatism is apparent, experienced a higher amount of misinformation from mainstream media, political figures, and celebrities. Although the prevalence of misinformation was the highest in March 2020, given the present trends, it may likely to increase slightly in 2021.

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