US INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY AND EURASIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batyuk

Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita ◽  
Denisa Rizkiya

The policy was introduced by the U.S. President Barack Obama early in his first administration in 2010, marked specific changing to the U.S. foreign policy like never before. The U.S. continuously views South and South East Asia, including the Indian Ocean, as a crucial driver for America’s economic growth and prosperity throughout the 21st century. Numerous numbers of cooperation and partnership have been done to enhance the ties between the U.S. and the regions. The U.S. presence and involvement in most essential regional meetings and summits can also be seen as an effort to seek opportunities, politically, economically, as well as security. This article tries to analyze how the U.S. rebalance towards Asia policy, a term used for the U.S.' foreign policy influenced the regional stability in Asia-Pacific region. 


2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-218
Author(s):  
David Robie

Few books have been published in Oceania offering the political and social resonance achieved by some photojournalists in the Asia-Pacific region and further afield internationally. Books come to mind such as Depth of Field, a powerful collection of photographs of poverty and repression in the Philippines; The Brotherhood, a revealing portrayal of a corrupt police precinct in Manila by Alex Baluyut for the Philippines Centre for Investigative Journalism.


Author(s):  
María Cruz Berrocal ◽  
Cheng-Hwa Tsang

We briefly review the topics that our case studies in Vanuatu, Marianas, the Philippines, Taiwan, China, Vietnam, and Japan highlight, and note the value of these studies in framing a comparative approach to colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region. Each case study highlights different aspects in the colonial relationship. The chapters have been grouped following a geographical criterion, and the imbalance reflects the fact that some areas have been better studied than others (e.g. for Marianas), albeit with different perspectives. We express our hope that the book has gathered some previously little systematic or accessible evidence, offered comprehensive histories of some of the areas, and raised questions for the future.


Author(s):  
Feng Zhang ◽  
Richard Ned Lebow

This chapter examines the policy mistakes that the Obama administration made in managing the Sino-American relationship. The Obama administration developed no distinct China strategy and was in fact averse to developing such a strategy. It chose to embed largely reactive China policies within a regional strategy of the so-called “pivot” or “rebalance” to the Asia-Pacific region. While China was relegated to a management issue, the rebalance strategy damaged the US-China relationship by deepening strategic mistrust between the two countries and agitating China to seek strategic adventures in Asia. The rebalance did not cause Chinese assertiveness by itself, but the geopolitical setting it created served to exacerbate China’s already fermenting assertive inclinations and prompted its strategic adventurism.


1999 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-60
Author(s):  
Maya F. Watters ◽  
Paul A. Watters

ABSTRACTThe Internet is a potentially non-coercive technology which has the capacity to facilitate the development and dissemination of locally-relevant and culturally-appropriate discourse. Many countries, especially those in Europe, have moved to utilise the Internet as a resource for expressing and revitalising their autochthonous languages, in response to cultural pressures from globalisation. However, there has been little evaluation of whether the Internet might give rise to a renaissance of indigenous language use in the postcolonial Asia-Pacific region. In this paper, we examine the case of the Philippines, which this year celebrates a centenary of independence from Spain, to determine whether introduction of the Internet has in fact enhanced the provision of indigenous language information services. We sampled 1% of the Internet sites listed in a popular search engine, in each second-level domain (educational, commercial, government and non-government organisations), and found very little evidence of indigenous language use in any of the sites in these categories. This suggests that the Internet has not yet realised its potential as a medium for indigenous language use in the Philippines, but that greater awareness of its capabilities in this arena might change the situation in the future.


2003 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank S.T Hsiao ◽  
Mei-chu W Hsiao ◽  
Akio Yamashita

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qaiser Rafique Yasser ◽  
Abdullah Al Mamun ◽  
Irfan Ahmed

Purpose The main purpose of this paper is to examine the causes and interrelations between ownership composition and financial reporting quality of firms in the Asia-Pacific region. Design/methodology/approach The study uses panel data for 420 firms for the period 2011-2013 (three years) from Australia, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines and Pakistan. Findings Overall, the authors find that ownership concentration is positively associated with the financial reporting quality. However, institutional ownership and foreign ownership are positively associated with financial disclosure in developing countries. Further, the result indicates that institutional and public ownership is positively associated with financial reporting in developed countries. Among the control variables, the authors find that larger firms are negatively correlated with financial reporting quality in Asia-Pacific. Originality/value These results highlight the highly individualized effects of blockholders and the need for research to further understand the mechanisms through which shareholders impact financial reporting quality.


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